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by　certain　parts　of　the　stamp　act；　&c。；　&c。；　have　been　solitary；

unconsequential；　timid　things；　in　comparison　with　the　audacious；

barefaced　and　sweeping　pretension　to　a　system　of　law　for　theU　S；

without　the　adoption　of　their　legislature；　and　so　infinitively　beyond

their　power　to　adopt。　　If　this　assumption　be　yielded　to；　the　state

courts　may　be　shut　up；　as　there　will　then　be　nothing　to　hinder

citizens　of　the　same　state　suing　each　other　in　the　federal　courts　in

every　case；　as　on　a　bond　for　instance；　because　the　common　law　obliges

payment　of　it；　&　the　common　law　they　say　is　their　law。　　I　am　happy

you　have　taken　up　the　subject；　&　I　have　carefully　perused　&

considered　the　notes　you　enclosed；　and　find　but　a　single　paragraph

which　I　do　not　approve。　　It　is　that　wherein　（page　2。）　you　say；　that

laws　being　emanations　from　the　legislative　department；　&；　when　once

enacted；　continuing　in　force　from　a　presumption　that　their　will　so

continues；　that　that　presumption　fails　&　the　laws　of　course　fall；　on

the　destruction　of　that　legislative　department。　　I　do　not　think　this

is　the　true　bottom　on　which　laws　&　the　administering　them　rest。　　The

whole　body　of　the　nation　is　the　sovereign　legislative；　judiciary　and

executive　power　for　itself。　　The　inconvenience　of　meeting　to　exercise

these　powers　in　person；　and　their　inaptitude　to　exercise　them；　induce

them　to　appoint　special　organs　to　declare　their　legislative　will；　to

judge　&　to　execute　it。　　It　is　the　will　of　the　nation　which　makes　the

law　obligatory；　it　is　their　will　which　creates　or　annihilates　the

organ　which　is　to　declare　&　announce　it。　　They　may　do　it　by　a　single

person；　as　an　Emperor　of　Russia；　（constituting　his　declarations

evidence　of　their　will；）　or　by　a　few　persons；　as　the　Aristocracy　of

Venice；　or　by　a　complication　of　councils；　as　in　our　former　regal

government；　or　our　present　republican　one。　　The　law　being　law　because

it　is　the　will　of　the　nation；　is　not　changed　by　their　changing　the

organ　through　which　they　chuse　to　announce　their　future　will；　no　more

than　the　acts　I　have　done　by　one　attorney　lose　their　obligation　by　my

changing　or　discontinuing　that　attorney。　　This　doctrine　has　been；　in

a　certain　degree　sanctioned　by　the　federal　executive。　　For　it　is

precisely　that　on　which　the　continuance　of　obligation　from　our　treaty

with　France　was　established；　and　the　doctrine　was　particularly

developed　in　a　letter　to　Gouverneur　Morris；　written　with　the

approbation　of　President　Washington　and　his　cabinet。　　Mercer　once

prevailed　on　the　Virginia　Assembly　to　declare　a　different　doctrine　in

some　resolutions。　　These　met　universal　disapprobation　in　this；　as

well　as　the　other　States；　and　if　I　mistake　not；　a　subsequent　Assembly

did　something　to　do　away　the　authority　of　their　former　unguarded

resolutions。　　In　this　case；　as　in　all　others；　the　true　principle　will

be　quite　as　effectual　to　establish　the　just　deductions；　for　before

the　revolution；　the　nation　of　Virginia　had；　by　the　organs　they　then

thought　proper　to　constitute；　established　a　system　of　laws；　which

they　divided　into　three　denominations　of　1；　common　law；　2；　statute

law；　3；　Chancery：　or　if　you　please；　into　two　only；　of　1；　common　law；

2；　Chancery。　　When；　by　the　declaration　of　Independence；　they　chose　to

abolish　their　former　organs　of　declaring　their　will；　the　acts　of　will

already　formally　&　constitutionally　declared；　remained　untouched。

For　the　nation　was　not　dissolved；　was　not　annihilated；　it's　will；

therefore；　remained　in　full　vigor；　and　on　the　establishing　the　new

organs；　first　of　a　convention；　&　afterwards　a　more　complicated

legislature；　the　old　acts　of　national　will　continued　in　force；　until

the　nation　should；　by　its　new　organs；　declare　it's　will　changed。　　The

common　law；　therefore；　which　was　not　in　force　when　we　landed　here；

nor　till　we　had　formed　ourselves　into　a　nation；　and　had　manifested　by

the　organs　we　constituted　that　the　common　law　was　to　be　our　law；

continued　to　be　our　law；　because　the　nation　continued　in　being；　&

because　though　it　changed　the　organs　for　the　future　declarations　of

its　will；　yet　it　did　not　change　its　former　declarations　that　the

common　law　was　it's　law。　　Apply　these　principles　to　the　present　case。

Before　the　revolution　there　existed　no　such　nation　as　the　U　S；　they

then　first　associated　as　a　nation；　but　for　special　purposes　only。

They　had　all　their　laws　to　make；　as　Virginia　had　on　her　first

establishment　as　a　nation。　　But　they　did　not；　as　Virginia　had　done；

proceed　to　adopt　a　whole　system　of　laws　ready　made　to　their　hand。　　As

their　association　as　a　nation　was　only　for　special　purposes；　to　wit；

for　the　management　of　their　concerns　with　one　another　&　with　foreign

nations；　and　the　states　composing　the　association　chose　to　give　it

powers　for　those　purposes　&　no　others；　they　could　not　adopt　any

general　system；　because　it　would　have　embraced　objects　on　which　this

association　had　no　right　to　form　or　declare　a　will。　　It　was　not　the

organ　for　declaring　a　national　will　in　these　cases。　　In　the　cases

confided　to　them；　they　were　free　to　declare　the　will　of　the　nation；

the　law；　but　till　it　was　declared　there　could　be　no　law。　　So　that　the

common　law　did　not　become；　ipso　facto；　law　on　the　new　association；　it

could　only　become　so　by　a　positive　adoption；　&　so　far　only　as　they

were　authorized　to　adopt。




　　　　　　　　I　think　it　will　be　of　great　importance；　when　you　come　to　the

proper　part；　to　portray　at　full　length　the　consequences　of　this　new

doctrine；　that　the　common　law　is　the　law　of　theU　S；　&　that　their

courts　have；　of　course；　jurisdiction　co…extensive　with　that　law；　that

is　to　say；　general　over　all　cases　&　persons。　　But；　great　heavens！

Who　could　have　conceived　in　1789　that　within　ten　years　we　should　have

to　combat　such　windmills。　　Adieu。　　Yours　affectionately。







　　　　　　　　IDEAS　FOR　A　UNIVERSITY




　　　　　　　　_To　Dr。　Joseph　Priestley_

　　　　　　　　_Philadelphia；　Jan。　18；　1800_




　　　　　　　　DEAR　SIR；　　I　have　to　thank　you　for　the　pamphlets　you　were　so

kind　as　to　send　me。　　You　will　know　what　I　thought　of　them　by　my

having　before　sent　a　dozen　sets　to　Virginia　to　distribute　among　my

friends。　　Yet　I　thank　you　not　the　less　for　these；　which　I　value　the

more　as　they　came　from　yourself。　　The　stock　of　them　which　Campbell

had　was；　I　believe；　exhausted　the　first　or　second　day　of　advertising

them。　　The　Papers　of　political　arithmetic；　both　in　your　&　Mr。

Cooper's　pamphlets；　are　the　most　precious　gifts　that　can　be　made　to

us；　for　we　are　running　navigation　mad；　&　commerce　mad；　&　navy　mad；

which　is　worst　of　all。　　How　desirable　is　it　that　you　could　pursue

that　subject　for　us。　　From　the　Porcupines　of　our　country　you　will

receive　no　thanks；　but　the　great　mass　of　our　nation　will　edify　&

thank　you。　　How　deeply　have　I　been　chagrined　&　mortified　at　the

persecutions　which　fanaticism　&　monarchy　have　excited　against　you；

even　here！　　At　first　I　believed　it　was　merely　a　continuance　of　the

English　persecution。　　But　I　observe　that　on　the　demise　of　Porcupine　&

division　of　his　inheritance　between　Fenno　&　Brown；　the　latter　（tho'

succeeding　only　to　the　_federal_　portion　of　Porcupinism；　not　the

_Anglican_；　which　is　Fenno's　part）　serves　up　for　the　palate　of　his

sect；　dishes　of　abuse　against　you　as　high　seasoned　as　Porcupine's

were。　　You　have　sinned　against　church　&　king；　&　can　therefore　never

be　forgiven。　　How　sincerely　have　I　regretted　that　your　friend；　before

he　fixed　his　choice　of　a　position；　did　not　visit　the　vallies　on　each

side　of　the　blue　ridge　in　Virginia；　as　Mr。　　Madison　&　myself　so　much

wished。　　You　would　have　found　there　equal　soil；　the　finest　climate　&

most　healthy　one　on　the　earth；　the　homage　of　universal　reverence　&

love；　&　the　power　of　the　country　spread　over　you　as　a　shield。　　But

since　you　would　not　make　it　your　country　by　adoption；　you　must　now　do

it　by　your　good　offices。　　I　have　one　to　propose　to　you　which　will

produce　their　good；　&　gratitude　to　you　for　ages；　and　in　the　way　to

which　you　have　devoted　a　long　life；　that　of　spreading　light　among

men。




　　　　　　　　We　have　in　that　state　a　college　（Wm。　&　Mary）　just　well　enough

endowed　to　draw　out　the　miserable　existence　to　which　a　miserable

constitution　has　doomed　it。　　It　is　moreover　eccentric　in　it's

position；　exposed　to　bilious　diseases　as　all　the　lower　country　is；　&

therefore　abandoned　by　the　public　care；　as　that　part　of　the　country

itself　is　in　a　considerable　degree　by　it's　inhabitants。　　We　wish　to

establish　in　the　upper　&　healthier　country；　&　more　centrally　for　the

state；　an　University　on　a　plan　so　broad　&　liberal　&　_modern_；　as　to

be　worth　patronizing　with　the　public　support；　and　be　a　temptation　to

the　youth　of　other　states　to　come　and　drink　of　the　cup　of　knowledge　&

fraternize　with　us。　　The　first　step　is　to　obtain　a　good　plan；　that

is；　a　judicious　selection　of　the　sciences；　&　a　practicable　grouping

of　some　of　them　together；　&　ramifying　of　others；　so　as　to　adapt　the

professorships　to　our　uses　&　our　means。　　In　an　institution　meant

chiefly　for　use；　some　branches　of　science；　formerly　esteemed；　may　be

now　omitted；　so　may　others　now　valued　in　Europe；　but　useless　to　us

for　ages　to　come。　　As　an　example　of　the　former；　the　oriental

learning；　and　of　the　latter；　almost　the　whole　of　the　institution

proposed　to　Congress　by　the　Secretary　of　war's　report　of　the　5th

inst。　　Now　there　is　no　one　to　whom　this　subject　is　so　familiar　as

yourself。　　There　is　no　one　in　the　world　who；　equally　with　yourself；

unites　this　full　possession　of　the　subject　with　such　a　knowledge　of

the　state　of　our　existence；　as　enables　you　to　fit　the　garment　to　him

who　is　to　_pay_　for　it　&　to　_wear_　it。　　To　you　therefore　we　address

our　solicitations；　and　to　lessen　to　you　as　much　as　possible　the

ambiguities　of　our　object；　I　will　venture　even　to　sketch　the　sciences

which　seem　useful　&　practicable　for　us；　as　they　occur　to　me　while

holding　my　pen。　　Botany；　Chemistry；　Zoology；　Anatomy；　Surgery；

Medicine；　Natl　Philosophy；　Agriculture；　Ma