lecture ii-第1部分

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Modern　Customs　and　Ancient　Laws　of　Russia
by　Maxime　Kovalevsky


Lecture　II


The　State　of　the　Modern　Russian　Family；　and　Particularly　that　of
the　Joint　or　Household　Community　of　Great　Russia


　　　　We　believe　that　the　theory　of　the　matriarchate　finds　a　solid
basis　in　the　past　history　of　the　Russian　family。　The　present
condition　of　the　latter　seems　to　prove　that　the　next　stage　in　its
evolution　was　the　household　community；　composed　of　persons　united
by　descent　from　a　common　forefather　and　accompanied　by　that
worship　of　ancestors　which　usually　resulted　from　it。　The　complete
subjection　of　the　wife　to　the　husband；　and　of　the　children　to　the
father；　community　of　goods　and　the　common　enjoyment　of　their
produce　by　the　relatives　living　under　the　same　roof；　the
acknowledged　superiority　of　old　age　and　of　direct　descent　from
the　common　ancestor；　the　total　absence　of　testamentary
dispositions　of　property；　and　even　of　that　mode　of　legal
succession　which　supposes　partition；　and　the　exclusion　of　the
more　remote　by　the　nearer　kin；　the　elimination　of　women　from
participation　in　the　family　estate　because　marriage　makes　them
aliens；　all　these　features　of　the　patriarchal　family　so　ably
illustrated　in　the　works　of　Sir　Henry　Maine；　reappear　in　the
modern　constitution　of　the　Russian　family。　I　mean；　of　course；
that　of　the　country　people；　the　middle　and　higher　classes　having
already　adopted　European　manners　and　customs；　and　being　on　that
account　subjected　to　a　legislation　which；　on　more　than　one　point；
is　in　direct　opposition　to　customary　law。　
　　　　Let　us　study　one　by　one　the　characteristic　features　of　this
family　constitution　of　the　peasant；　a　constitution　more　like　that
of　the　early　Celts　and　Germans　than　that　of　any　of　the　modern
nations　of　Europe。
　　　　The　great　importance　still　attached　by　the　Russian　peasant　to
agnatism；　that　is　to　relationship　on　the　father's　side；　is　shown
by　the　part　which　ancestor　worship　plays　even　now　at　the
celebration　of　a　country　wedding。　Before　becoming　a　member　of　her
husband's　family；　the　bride　must　sever　all　the　ties　which　have
hitherto　bound　her　to　the　house…spirits　under　whose　protection
she　has　passed　her　youth；　and　must　solemnly　adopt　the　worship　of
those　of　the　family　into　which　she　is　about　to　enter。　This　public
manifestation　of　a　change　of　worship　is　most　clearly　seen　in　the
wedding　ceremonies　of　the　Southern　Slavs。　It　is　not　so　distinctly
preserved　in　those　of　the　Eastern　Slavs。　Both　these　races　being
identical　as　to　their　origin　and　nature；　I　will　begin　by　first
stating　the　religious　customs；　customs　of　an　undoubtedly　pagan
origin　　still　in　use　at　Bulgarian　betrothals。　〃In　Lika；〃　says
M。　Bogisic；　〃the　bride；　before　leaving　her　father's　house；　goes
three　times　round　the　hearth；　prostrating　herself。　each　time；　as
if　to　implore　forgiveness。〃　As　you　are　aware　of　the　intimate
connection　which　has　existed　between　the　worship　of　the　hearth
and　that　of　the　family　ancestors；　I　need　not　tell　you　that　the
act　performed　by　the　Bulgarian　bride　before　leaving　her　parent's
house　has　no　other　meaning　than　that　of　a　last　invocation　of　the
house…spirits　whose　worship　she　is　on　the　point　of　abandoning。　
　　　　The　spirits　are　supposed　to　be　hurt　by　the　decision　she　has
taken　to　withdraw　to　her　husband's　homestead；　and　to　be　appeased
by　an　act　of　humiliation　on　her　part。　When　she　is　once　in　the
bridegroom's　house　the　maiden　is　obliged　to　perform　another
ceremony；　she　must　seat　herself　close　to　the　hearth；　in　order　to
keep　up　for　a　short　time　the　fire　burning　thereon　by　pieces　of
wood　thrown　on　to　it　with　her　own　hands。　The　symbolical　character
of　this　ceremony　may　easily　be　perceived。　The　young　wife　is　on
the　point　of　becoming　a　member　of　the　house　community　of　her
husband；　and　as　such；　a　participant　in　its　family　worship。　Her
acquiescence　must　be　expressed　by　a　symbol；　and　her　keeping　up
the　fire　on　the　hearth　is　precisely　such　a　symbol。　The　custom
just　described　exists　all　over　Bulgaria　and　has　been　more　than
once　alluded　to　by　modern　ethnographers；　M。　Bogisic；　Mr。　Krauss；
and　others。　
　　　　Let　us　now　examine　the　corresponding　customs　of　the　Russian
peasantry。　In　little　Russia　the　bride；　while　her　father　is
discussing　the　question　of　her　marriage　with　the　person　sent　by
the　bridegroom；　is　obliged　by　custom　to　remain　near　the　hearth；
towards　which　she　stretches　out　her　hand。　By　so　doing　she
expresses　her　desire　still　to　remain　under　the　protection　of　the
house…spirits　of　her　family；　the　so…called　〃domovoi。〃　A　century
ago；　according　to　the　statement　of　Kalinovsky；　the　day　on　which
the　bride　was　taken　to　the　house　of　her　future　husband；　a　great
fire　was　lighted　in　the　yard　before　it；　and　the　young　couple　were
obliged　to　cross　it　sitting　in　their　carriage。　This　custom　is
still　observed　in　certain　parts　of　the　Government　of　Kiev；　but
only　in　those　cases　in　which　the　bride　is　known　to　have
misbehaved　before　marriage。　Heaps　of　straw　are　kindled　on　such
occasions　in　the　yard　before　the　bridegroom's　house；　and　the
bride　who　has　passed　safely　over　these　fires　is　considered　to　be
purified。　But　this　does　not　prevent　her；　as　soon　as　she　has
entered　the　house　of　her　husband；　from　seeking　refuge　at　the
hearth；　where　she　stands　for　a　while　singing　a　carol；　the　meaning
of　which　is　that　she　laments　her　past　bad　conduct　and　promises　to
be　a　good　wife。　
　　　　I　beg　you　to　observe　that　the　fires　are　lighted　in　the　yard
of　the　bridegroom's　house　and　that　they　are　to　be　considered　as
being　in　direct　relation　with　the　house…community　to　which　he
belongs。　Not　every　fire　has　the　power　of　purification；　only　that
which　represents　the　family　hearth。　It　is　to　this　hearth　that　the
young　wife　appeals　for　protection；　should　she　have　any　reason　to
fear　any　ill…treatment　from　her　husband's　family；　on　account　of
her　former　conduct；　it　is　before　this　hearth　that　she　confesses
and　repents　and　promises　to　be　a　good　and　faithful　wife。　
　　　　In　a　society；　in　which　the　interests　of　the　family　constantly
prevail　over　those　of　the　individual　（and　such　is　certainly　the
case　in　all　patriarchal　societies；　and　amongst　them　the　Russian）；
there　is　no　room　for　marriages　contracted　by　the　mutual　consent
of　the　young　people。　I　do　not　mean　to　say　that　Russian　parents；
whose　duty　it　is　to　find　suitable　matches　for　their　sons　and
daughters；　never　take　into　account　the　feelings　of　those　they
intend　to　unite。　I　wish　only　to　impress　on　you　the　idea　that　they
are　not　obliged　to　do　so　by　custom。　On　more　than　one　occasion
Russian　customary　courts　have　plainly　expressed　the　opinion　that
a　marriage　contract　concluded　by　the　bride's　father　with　that　of
the　future　husband　is　a　legal　act；　for　the　infringement　of　which
amends　ought　to　be　made　by　the　restitution　to　the　party　wronged
of　the　loss　he　or　she　may　have　sustained。　
　　　　The　clergy　very　early　endeavoured　to　put　an　end　to　the
arbitrary　manner　in　which　parents　disposed　of　their　children's
future；　but　the　force　of　custom　and　the　feeling　that　supported　it
were　so　strong　that　the　only　measure　which　the　ecclesiastical
statute　of　Jaroslav　（XIth　century）　introduced　for　the　protection
of　the　freedom　of　marriageable　children　was　the　one　by　which　a
fine　which　went　to　the　bishop　was　inflicted　on　the　parents　of　a
daughter　who；　after　a　marriage　contracted　against　her　will；　had
committed　suicide。　
　　　　The　country　people　still　believe　that　a　marriage　without　the
parent's　approval　will　call　down　the　wrath　of　Heaven　on　the　heads
of　the　young　couple。　This　moral　sanction；　the　right　of　parents　to
decide　the　future　of　their　children；　has　received　from　the
customary　law　of　Russia　the　support　of　a　penalty　in　case　of
disobedience；　the　son　and　daughter　who　conclude　a　marriage
without　consulting　their　parents；　lose　all　rights　to　inheritance
and　dowry。　
　　　　According　to　modern　Russian　law；　marriage　is　a　religious　act；
it　cannot　be　performed　without　the　help　of　the　Church；　and　is
regarded　as　a　sacrament。　But　such　is　by　no　means　the　light　in
which　the　country　people　look　on　it；　nor　was　it　the　view　of　the
old　Russian　law。　For　many　centuries　the　Russian　clergy　had　to
fight　against　the　inveterate　custom　of　our　lower　classes　to
contract　unions　without　the　sanction　of　the　Church。　The　young
couple　saved　the　expense　of　a　religious　ceremony　and　thought
their　union　legally　established　as　soon　as　they　were　publicly
joined　to　each　other　in　the　presence　of　the　community；　which　was
invited　on　the　occasion　to　a　sort　of　festival　called　the
vesselic。　No　later　than　the　end　of　the　sixteenth　century　an
assembly　of　Divines　convened　by　Ivan　the　Cruel　entered　a　strong
protest　against　the　custom　which　everywhere　prevailed　of　omitting
the　religious　consecration　of　the　marriage　tie；　and　strong
measures　were　in　consequence　taken　against　those　who　did　not
comply　with　the　requirements　of　the　clergy。　All；　however；　failed；
and　marriage　remained　in　the　eyes　of　the　common　people　nothing
more　than　a　sort　of　civil　contract；　entered　into　in　the　presence
of　the　community　as　a　sign　of　its　recognition　and　sanction。　
　　　　That　such　generally　was；　and　still　is；　the　prevailing　opinion
of　the　Russian　peasant　may　be　seen　from　the　following　facts。　
　　　　Among　the　Cossacks　of　the　Don；　not　more　than　a　century　ago；
people；　as　a　general　rule；　were　joined　in　marriage　in　the
following　way：　The　young　couple；　after　previous　agreement；　went
to　the　popular　assembly　of　the　village；　or　stanitza；　this
assembly　being　known　by　the　name　of　Majdan；　and　declared　that
they　had　made　up　their　minds　to　become　husband　and　wife。〃　Be　my
wife；〃　said　the　bridegroom　to　the　bride。　〃Be　my　husband；〃　she
answered。　〃So　be　it；〃　chanted　the　assembly。　〃We　wish　you　good
luck　and　happiness。〃（1*）
　　　　On　the　Don　the　absence　of　a　religious　ceremony　may；　to　a
certain　extent；　be　explained　by　the　scarcity　of　priests；　but　such
is　by　no　means　the　case　in　those　provinces　which　were　annexed　to
Muscovy　in　the　middle　of　the　seventeenth　century；　after　ages　of
political　dependence　on　Poland。　I　refer　to　the　Governments　of
Kiev；　Tchernigov；　and　Poltava；　which　constitute　what　in　our　days
is　known　under　the　name　of　Little　Russia。　It　is；　therefore；　very
interesting　to　find　that　in　those　provinces　the　religious
consec