labour defended against the claims of capital-第1部分

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Labour　Defended　against　the　Claims　of　Capital

Or　the　Unproductiveness　of　Capital　proved　with　Reference　to　the
Present　Combinations　amongst　Journeymen

by　Thomas　Hodgskin
1825






NOTE

IN　all　the　debates　on　the　law　passed　during　the　late　session　of
Parliament；　on　account　of　the　combinations　of　workmen；　much
stress　is　laid　on　the　necessity　of　protecting　capital。　What
capital　performs　is　therefore　a　question　of　considerable
importance；　which　the　author　was；　on　this　account；　induced　to
examine。　As　a　result　of　this　examination；　it　is　his　opinion　that
all　the　benefits　attributed　to　capital　arise　from　co…existing　and
skilled　labour。　He　feels　himself；　on　this　account；　called　on　to
deny　that　capital　has　any　just　claim　to　the　large　share　of　the
national　produce　now　bestowed　on　it。　This　large　share　he　has
endeavored　to　show　is　the　cause　of　the　poverty　of　the　labourer；
and　he　ventures　to　assert　that　the　condition　of　the　labourer　can
never　be　permanently　improved　till　he　can　refute　the　theory；　and
is　determined　to　oppose　the　practice　of　giving　nearly　everything
to　capital。


Labour　Defended　Against　the　Claims　of　Capital

　　　　　Throughout　this　country　at　present　there　exists　a　serious
contest　between　capital　and　labour。　The　journeymen　of　almost
every　trade　have　combined　to　obtain　higher　wages；　and　their
employers　have　appealed　to　the　legislature　for　protection。　The
contest　is　not　only　one　of　physical　endurance；　or　who　can　stand
out　longest；　but　of　argument　and　reason。　It　is　possible　for　the
workmen　to　force　their　masters　into　compliance；　but　they　must
convince　the　public　of　the　justice　of　their　demands。　The　press
has；　at　present；　a　great　influence　over　public　questions；　and　by
far　the　greater　and　more　influential　part　of　it　is　engaged　on　the
side　of　the　capitalist。　Through　it；　however；　and　through　public
opinion；　must　the　journeymen　find　their　way　to　the　legislature。
They　may　possibly　terrify　their　masters；　but　they　can　only　obtain
the　support　of　any　influential　persons　by　an　appeal　to　reason。　To
suggest　some　arguments　in　favour　of　labour　against　capital；　is　my
chief　motive　for　publishing　the　present　pamphlet。
　　　　　The　labourers　are　very　unfortunate；　I　conceive；　in　being
surrounded　by　nations　in　a　worse　political　condition　than　we　are；
and　in　some　of　which　labour　is　still　worse　paid　than　here。
Labourers　are　still　more　unfortunate　in　being　descended　from
bondsmen　and　serfs。　Personal　slavery　or　villanage　formerly
existed　in　Britain；　and　all　the　living　labourers　still　suffer
from　the　bondage　of　their　ancestors。　Our　claims　are　consequently
never　tried　by　the　principles　of　justice。　The　law…giver　and　the
capitalist　always　compare　our　wages　with　the　wages　of　other
labourers；　and　without　adverting　to　what　we　produce；　which　seems
the　only　criterion　by　which　we　ought　to　be　paid；　we　are　instantly
condemned　as　insolent　and　ungrateful　if　we　ask　for　more　than　was
enjoyed　by　the　slave　of　former　times；　and　is　now　enjoyed　by　the
half…starved　slave　of　other　countries。
　　　　　By　our　increased　skill　and　knowledge；　labour　is　now　probably
ten　times　more　productive　than　it　was　two　hundred　years　ago；　and
we　are；　forsooth；　to　be　contended　with　the　same　rewards　which　the
bondsmen　then　received。　All　the　advantages　of　our　improvements　go
to　the　capitalist　and　the　landlord。　When；　denied　any　share　in　our
increased　produce；　we　combine　to　obtain　it；　we　are　instantly
threatened　with　summary　punishment。　New　laws　are　fulminated
against　us；　and　if　these　are　found　insufficient　we　are　threatened
with　laws　still　more　severe。
　　　　　Combination　is　of　itself　no　crime；　on　the　contrary；　it　is
the　principle　on　which　societies　are　held　together。　When　the
Government　supposes　its　existence　threatened；　or　the　country　in
danger；　it　calls　on　us　all　to　combine　for　its　protection。
〃Combinations　of　workmen〃；　however；　it　says　through　Mr　Huskisson；
〃must　be　put　down。〃　Frequently　has　it　contracted　alliances　with
other　governments　or　made　combinations　to　carry　on　war　and　shed
blood；　frequently　has　it　called　on　the　whole　nation　to　combine
when　the　object　has　been　to　plunder　and　massacre　the　unoffending
subjects　of　some　neighbouring　state　and　frequently　have　such
combinations　had　heaped　on　them　all　the　epithets　of　the
vocabulary　of　glory。　No　other　combination　seems　unjust　or
mischievous；　in　the　view　of　Government；　but　our　combinations　to
obtain　a　proper　reward　for　our　labour。　It　is　a　heinous　crime　in
the　eyes　of　a　legislature；　composed　exclusively　of　capitalists
and　landlords；　and　representing　no　other　interests　than　their
own；　for　us　to　try；　by　any　means；　to　obtain　for　ourselves　and　for
the　comfortable　subsistence　of　our　families；　a　larger　share　of
our　own　produce　than　these　our　masters　choose　to　allow　us。　All
the　moral　evils　that　ever　plagued　a　society　have　been　anticipated
by　the　ministers　from　our　persevering　in　our　claims。　To　put　down
combinations　they　have　departed　from　principles　held　sacred　for
upwards　of　two　hundred　years。　They　have　made　also　a　law　handing
us　over　to　the　magistrates　like　vagabonds　and　thieves；　and　we　are
to　be　condemned　almost　unheard；　and　without　the　privilege　and
formality　of　a　public　trial。
　　　　　All　that　we　are　compelled　to　suffer；　all　that　we　have　had
inflicted　on　us；　has　been　done　for　the　advantage　of　capital。
〃Capital〃；　says　Mr　Huskisson；　〃will　be　terrified　out　of　the
country；　and　the　misguided　workmen；　unless　they　are　stopped　in
time；　will　bring　ruin　on　themselves　and　on　us。〃　〃Capital；〃　says
the　Marquis　of　Lansdowne；　〃must　be　protected。　If　its　operations
be　not　left　free；　if　they　are　to　be　controlled　by　bodies　of
workmen；　it　will　leave　this　for　some　more　favoured　country。〃
Capital；　if　we　believe　these　politicians；　has　improved　England；
and　the　want　of　capital　is　the　cause　of　the　poverty　and
sufferings　of　Ireland。　Under　the　influence　of　such　notions；　no
laws　for　the　protection　of　capital　are　thought　too　severe；　and
few　or　no　persons；　except　the　labourers；　see　either　impropriety
or　injustice　in　the　fashionable　mode　of　despising　his　claims；　and
laughing　at　his　distresses。
　　　　　In　fact　the　legislature；　the　public　at　large；　and　especially
our　employers；　decide　on　our　claims　solely　by　a　reference　to　the
former　condition　of　the　labourer；　or　to　his　condition　in　other
countries。　We　are　told　to　be　contented；　because　we　are　not　quite
so　badly　off　as　the　ragged　Irish　peasants　who　are　suffering　under
a　more　grievous　system　even　than　the　one　which　afflicts　us。　By
them　also　we　are　destined　to　suffer；　for　they　are　imported　here
in　crowds；　and　beat　down　the　wages　of　our　labour。　We　can　have　no
hope；　therefore；　either　of　convincing　the　public　or　of　calling
the　blush　of　shame　into　the　cheek　of　those　who　are　opulent　by　our
toils；　and　who　deride　the　poverty　and　sufferings　they　cause；　by
referring　to　the　customs　of　any　other　society；　either　in　times
past　or　present。　To　obtain　better　treatment　the　labourers　must
appeal　from　practice　to　principle。　We　must　put　out　of　view　how
labour　has　been　paid　in　times　past；　and　how　it　is　now　paid　in
other　countries；　and　we　must　show　how　it　ought　to　be　paid。　This；
I　admit；　is　a　difficult　task；　but　the　former　condition　of　the
labourer　in　this　country；　and　his　condition　at　present　in　other
countries；　leaving　us　no　criterion　to　which　we　can　or　ought　to
appeal；　we　must　endeavour　to　perform　it。
　　　　　The　claims　of　capital；　are；　I　am　aware；　sanctioned　by　almost
universal　custom；　and　as　long　as　the　labourer　did　not　feel
himself　aggrieved　by　them；　it　was　of　no　use　opposing　them　with
arguments。　But　now；　when　the　practice　excites　resistance；　we　are
bound；　if　possible；　to　overthrow　the　theory　on　which　it　is
founded　and　justified。　It　is　accordingly　against　this　theory　that
my　arguments　will　be　directed。　When　we　have　settled　the　question；
however；　as　to　the　claims　of　capital　or　labour；　we　shall　have
proceeded　only　one　step　towards　ascertaining　what　ought　now　to　be
the　wages　of　labour。　The　other　parts　of　the　inquiry　will；　I
trust；　be　entered　into　by　some　of　my　fellow…labourers；　and　I
shall　content　myself　at　present　with　examining　the　claims　of　the
capitalists；　as　supported　by　the　theories　of　political　economy。
　　　　　I　admit　that　the　subject　is　somewhat　abstruse；　but　there　is
a　necessity　for　the　labourers　to　comprehend　and　be　able　to　refute
the　received　notions　of　the　nature　and　utility　of　capital。　Wages
vary　inversely　as　profits；　or　wages　rise　when　profits　fall；　and
profits　rise　when　wages　fall；　and　it　is　therefore　profits；　or　the
capitalist's　share　of　the　national　produce；　which　is　opposed　to
wages；　or　the　share　of　the　labourer。　The　theory　on　which　profits
are　claimed；　and　which　holds　up　capital；　and　accumulation　of
capital　to　our　administration　as　the　mainspring　of　human
improvement；　is　that　which　I　say　the　labourers　must；　in　their　own
interest；　examine；　and　must；　before　they　can　have　any　hope　of　a
permanent　improvement　in　their　own　conditions；　be　able　to　refute。
They；　indeed；　are　so　satisfied　that　by　their　exertions　all　the
wealth　of　society　is　produced　that　no　doubt　on　the　subject　has
ever　entered　their　minds。　This　is　not；　however；　the　case　with
other　people；　and　whenever　the　labourers　claim　larger　wages；　or
combine　to　do　themselves　justice；　they　hear；　both　from　the
legislature　and　the　Press；　little　or　nothing　about　the　necessity
of　rewarding　labour；　but　much　about　the　necessity　of　protecting
capital。　They　must　therefore　be　able　to　show　the　hollowness　of
the　theory　on　which　the　claims　of　capital；　and　on　which　all　the
oppressive　laws　made　for　its　protection　are　founded。　This　will；　I
hope；　be　a　motive　with　them　for　endeavouring　to　comprehend　the
following　observations；　as　it　is　my　excuse　for　directing　them；
not　so　much　to　show　what　labour　ought；　as　to　what　capital　ought
not　to　have。
　　　　　　〃The　produce　of　the　earth；〃　says　Mr　Ricardo　　〃All　that　is
derived　from　its　surface　by　the　united　application　of　labour；
machinery　and　capital　is　divided　among　three　classes　of　the
community；　namely；　the　proprietor　of　the　land；　the　owner　of　the
stock　or　capital　necessary　for　its　cultivation；　and　the　labourers
by　whose　industry　it　is　cultivated。〃　（Principles　of　Political
Economy；　Preface；　p。　1；　2nd　Ed。）
　　　　　〃It　is　sel