lecture v-第2部分

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found　both　in　the　Swedish　and　the　German　parliaments。　In　Sweden
the　army　was　called　upon　to　send　its　generals；　colonels；　and　even
its　majors　to　the　sittings；　at　least　from　1598　to　1778。（4*）　In
the　German　Landestande；　as　well　as　in　the　Swedish　States…General；
the　cities　were　regularly　represented　by　their　officers；　the
Rathmanner；　members　of　the　city　council；　or　Ratta　borgare；　as
they　were　called　in　Sweden；　just　as　the　French　cities　and
boroughs　were　usually　represented　in　the　Etats　Generaux；　not　by
elected　deputies；　but　by　their　maires；　echevins　and　consuls。（5*）
　　　　Now　that　we　are　acquainted　with　the　manner　in　which　the　first
Sobor；　this　real　assembly　of　notables；　was　composed；　let　us　take
a　look　at　its　proceedings。　The　question　on　which　the　Czar　wanted
advice　was　whether　he　should　engage　in　a　new　war　with　Poland；　or
whether　it　would　be　better　for　him　to　restore　to　Kasimir　the
cities　which　he　had　conquered　in　Lithuania。　Each　estate　had　to
give　a　separate　answer。　The　clergy　declared　itself　in　favour　of
war。　They　maintained　that　Livonia　had　always　belonged　to　Russia；
a　preposterous　claim　which　was　plainly　contradicted　by　history。
Whilst　insisting　on　the　impossibility　of　concluding　peace　on　the
terms　proposed　by　Kasimir；　they　declared　themselves　incapable　of
judging　what　means　the　Government　ought　to　take　for　the　safety　of
its　new　conquests。　〃The　Czar　alone　must　decide　the　matter。　It　is
not　our　business　to　advise　him　on　such　questions；　but　to　pray　God
for　the　success　of　his　undertakings。〃　This　plainly　meant　that
they　feared　a　new　imposition　of　subsidies；　and　had　no　desire　to
take　on　themselves　the　initiative　of　this　taxation。
　　　　The　boyars　gave　a　similar　answer。　〃It　is　impossible；〃　said
they；　〃to　leave　in　the　hands　of　the　Polish　king　the　newly
conquered　German　cities；　for　in　that　case　the　important　Russian
fortress　of　Polozk　situated　on　the　Dvina；　would　remain　surrounded
by　the　lands　of　the　enemy。〃　They　also　declared　themselves　ready
to　serve　the　Czar　whatever　might　be　his　decision。　〃God　alone　and
the　Czar；〃　such　was　their　conclusion；　〃ought　to　have　the　last
word　in　this　matter。〃　Some　dissentient　members　of　the　Douma
presented　their　own　opinion　in　writing。　The　noblemen　of　the　first
and　second　class　or　statii；　also　expressed　their　opinions　in　two
different　papers　and　were　unanimous　in　their　desire　to　retain　the
Livonian　cities。　Those　of　Toropeczk　and　Louczk；　who　were　more
directly　concerned　in　the　matter；　declared　that　they　would
sacrifice　their　lives　for　a　single　〃dessiatine〃　of　the　cities
surrounding　Polozk　which　were　claimed　by　the　Polish　king。　The
hosts　and　merchants　of　Moscow　and　Smolensk　were　not　less
patriotic　in　their　sentiments；　the　latter　particularly　insisting
on　the　impossibility　of　leaving　Polozk　without　a　territorial
district　attached　to　it。　〃A　village　cannot　exist　without　its　own
district　and　still　less　a　fortress；〃　said　they。　〃If　the　king　of
Poland　gets　the　territory　of　Polozk　that　city　will　be　of　no　use
to　the　Russians；　and　nothing　will　prevent　the　king　building　a　new
fortress　just　opposite　the　Russian　fortress。〃
　　　　The　general　result　of　the　conference　was　that　the　Czar
decided　on　war。
　　　　We　find　no　other　General　Assembly　in　the　reign　of　Ivan　the
Terrible；　but　we　must　not　infer　from　that　fact　that　the　Czar
altogether　forbore　to　apply　to　the　people。　On　two　different
occasions　we　find　him　addressing　the　mob　of　Moscow；　once　in　1564；
in　order　to　get　their　approval　of　the　prosecution　of　the　boyars
for　their　supposed　treason　against　the　State　and　open　plundering
of　the　people；　and　a　second　time　to　ascertain　their　feelings　on
the　occasion　of　a　fresh　discomfiture　of　the　Russian　troops　by　the
Poles　and　the　loss；　not　only　of　Livonia；　but　of　Polozk　and
Smolensk。　This　last　convention　was　in　the　year　1597　and　was　the
occasion　of　a　long　and　patriotic　speech　delivered；　in　the　name　of
the　Czar；　by　his　secretary　Schelkalov。　This　speech；　which
announced　the　loss　of　thousands　of　Russian　soldiers；　produced　a
great　impression；　chiefly　on　the　women；　who；　fearing　their
husbands　were　dead；　went　crying　through　the　streets　and　asking
for　new　ones。　Whereupon　the　secretary　made　a　second　speech　in
which　he　threatened　to　have　them　flogged　if　they　did　not　cease
their　lamentations。　We　thus　find　the　experiment　of　admitting　the
people　to　the　discussion　of　public　affairs　degenerating；　either
into　appeals　to　the　Moscow　mob　to　sanction；　by　its　consent；　acts
of　cruelty　towards　the　members　of　the　higher　nobility；　or　into
threats　of　flogging　made　to　poor　weeping　women　in　their
bereavement。
　　　　It　is　difficult　to　discover　in　the　facts　which　I　have　just
related　any　resemblance　to　a　regular　consultation　of　the　people
in　Parliament　assembled。　The　meetings　are　more　like　a　parody　of
the　ancient　folkmotes；　the　veche。
　　　　The　representative　system　remained　unknown　to　Russia
throughout　the　sixteenth　century。　The　Assembly　which　in　1584
confirmed　the　right　of　the　eldest　son　of　Ivan；　Theodor；　to　occupy
the　Russian　throne；　although　called　〃a　parliament〃　by　the　English
Resident　Hoarsav　was；　according　to　the　same　author；　composed　of
nothing　but　the　chief　clergy　and　members　of　the　higher　and　lower
nobility。　Another　assembly；　that　of　1585；　called　to　deliberate　on
the　question　of　clerical　immunities　and　the　necessity　for
subjecting　the　lands　of　monasteries　to　general　taxation；
contained　in　its　ranks　only　the　higher　clergy；　the　chief　officers
of　the　State；　and　the　members　of　the　Council　or　Douma。
　　　　The　Rurik　family　became　extinct　on　the　death　of　the　Czar
Theodor；　and　a　new　dynasty　had　to　be　chosen。　The　higher　nobility
seized　this　opportunity　to　impose　certain　limitations　on　the
exercise　of　the　Sovereign　power。　But　the　nearest　candidate　to　the
throne；　Boris　Godounov；　not　being　willing　to　consent　to　such
limitations；　refused　to　accept　the　throne　offered　him　by　the
boyars　and　insisted　on　the　necessity　of　summoning　the　cities　to
decide　who　should　occupy　the　throne　of　the　Rurik　family。　He　did
this　in　the　expectation　that　the　people　would　oppose　any　measure
limiting　the　principle　of　autocracy。　The　Sobor；　which　was　called
together　according　to　his　wish；　was　widely　different　from　the
ideal　of　a　truly　National　Assembly。　Of　the　457　members　who　were
present　at　its　sittings；　83　belonged　to　the　higher　clergy；　and
338　to　the　bureaucracy　and　the　higher　and　lower　nobility。　As　to
the　third　estate；　it　was　composed　of　only　21　hosts；　of　the　head
of　the　Guild　of　hosts　and　of　13　deputies　from　the　rural
districts。　This　assembly　was　presided　over　by　the　Patriarch；　the
Chief　of　the　Russian　clergy；and　unanimously　expressed　itself
favourable　to　Boris　Godounov；　to　whom　the　Russian　throne　was
offered　unconditionally。
　　　　Representatives　of　the　lower　classes　of　the　city　of　Moscow
appeared　in　1605　at　the　Sobor　to　which　the　false　Demetrius
entrusted　the　right　of　judging　the　boyar　and　future　Czar；
Basilius　Schouisky；　on　account　of　a　rebellion　which　he　had
instigated。　The　Sobor　condemned　Schouisky　to　death；　but　the　Czar
Demetrius　commuted　this　punishment　to　perpetual　banishment　to　the
City　of　Viatka；　whence　he　soon　returned　at　the　gracious　order　of
the　monarch。
　　　　The　Assembly　which　in　1606；　after　the　death　of　the　false
Demetrius；　elected　Schouisky　as　the　Czar　of　Russia；　was　not　a
Sobor　in　the　true　sense　of　the　word；　for　it　was　chiefly　composed
of　the　boyars。　The　Moscow　mob　nevertheless　sanctioned　the
election；　and　the　new　Czar　was　eagerly　proclaimed　at　the
so…called　〃read　place；〃　in　front　of　the　palace。
　　　　This　election　of　Schouisky　has　some　claim　to　our　attention；
as　it　was　the　first　at　which　constitutional　limits　were　imposed
on　Russian　autocracy。　The　newly　elected　Czar　had　no　immediate
relation　with　the　dynasty　of　Rurik；　and　was　but　the　equal　of　the
other　boyars。　He　was　known　to　be　vindictive　and　to　have　a　great
number　of　relations　and　friends　who　would　be　ready　enough　to　make
use　of　his　power　for　their　own　advantage。　All　this　induced　the
boyars　to　protect　their　own　interests　by　the　creation　of　rules
which　their　nominee　was　obliged　to　accept。　According　to
Strahlenberg；　the　well…known　author　of　the　〃historical　and
Geographical　Description　of　the　Northern　and　Eastern　parts　of
Europe　and　Asia〃　（a　book　written　in　German　and　published　at
Stockholm　in　the　year　1703）；　the　constitutional　limitations
imposed　were　as　follows：　〃No　new　law　was　to　be　made　and　no
innovations　were　to　be　introduced　in　the　old　legislation　without
the　consent　of　the　Douma。　（Strahlenberg　calls　it　senatus。）　No　new
contributions　were　to　be　levied　unless　previously　discussed　and
accepted　by　the　same　Council。〃（6*）　These　constitutional
limitations　as　you　may　easily　perceive；　were　exactly　the　same　as
those　established　in　England　by　the　Magna　Charta　and　the　statute
of　Edward　the　First；　de　tallagio　non　concedendo；　but　whilst　the
English　people　entrusted　the　care　of　their　liberty　to　the　lords；
gentlemen；　and　citizens　in　Parliament　assembled；　the　Russian
boyars　wanted　to　keep　to　themselves　the　exclusive　control　of　the
sovereign　power。　This　caused　the　failure　of　their　constitution；
and　was　the　chief　reason　why；　on　the　occasion　of　a　new　election；
the　control　of　the　Constitutional　compromise　entered　into　by　the
people　and　the　Czar；　was　no　longer　entrusted　to　the　Douma　of　the
boyars；　but　to　the　representative　Assembly　of　the　whole　nation　
that　is　to　the　Sobor。
　　　　Schouisky　reigned　only　a　few　years。　In　1610　he　lost　the　crown
by　the　decision　of　a　new　Assembly　which　assumed　the　title　of
Zemski　Sobor；　although　it　was　chiefly　composed　of　the　boyars　and
the　Moscow　mob。　This　took　place　in　the　middle　of　July。　A　month
later　a　treaty　was　signed　by　the　boyars　and　the　chief　of　the
Polish　army；　by　which　Vladislas；　son　of　Sigismund；　king　of
Poland；　was　called　to　the　throne　of　Russia。　Like　his　predecessor；
the　new　Czar　accepted　certain　constitutional　limitations；　amongst
others　that　of　administering　justice　according　to　the　existing
customs　and　the　rules　by　law　established。　No　alterations　in　the
latter　could　be　made；　except　with　the　consent　of　the　Council
（Douma）　of　〃the　whole　land。〃　These　last　words　meant　the　Zemski
Sobor；　the　States…General　or　Parliament　of　Russia。
　　　　I　shall　not　attempt　to　narrate　the　eve