lecture v-第3部分

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Sobor；　the　States…General　or　Parliament　of　Russia。
　　　　I　shall　not　attempt　to　narrate　the　events　which　prevented　the
accession　of　a　Polish　and　Catholic　prince　to　the　throne　of
Russia。　It　will　be　enough　for　my　purpose　to　state　that　the　people
and　the　clergy　were　unanimous　in　their　dislike　to　this　foreign
and　〃heretical〃　ruler。　The　folkmotes；　or　veches；　not　only　in
Novgorod；　but　also　in　those　parts　where　they　had　hitherto　been
quite　unknown；　as　in　Kasan；　or　Nijni　Novgorod；　entered　into
correspondence　with　each　other；　local　militia　united；　and　an
army；　called　into　existence　by　the　patriotic　sentiments　of　simple
burgesses　like　Minin；　marched　from　Nijni　Novgorod　to　Moscow；
under　the　command　of　Pojarsky。　At　the　same　time　a　correspondence
was　begun　with　the　object　of　forming　a　new　Sobor；　which　was　to　be
a　really　representative　body；　composed　of　delegates　sent　by　all
the　estates。　The　writs　of　summons　sent　out　by　the　head　of　the
army；　Pojarsky；　have　fortunately　been　preserved；　so　that　we　can
get　a　clear　notion　of　what　was　meant　at　that　time　by　the　term
〃General　Council　of　the　land；〃　a　term　employed　more　than　once　in
the　documents　of　the　time。　Addressing　the　people　of　Poutivl　or　of
Wichegodsk；　the　commander…in…chief　insists　on　the　necessity　of
sending　to　Jaroslav；　the　place　selected　for　the　meeting　of　the
new　Assembly；　two　or　three　men　from　each　of　the　estates　（chinov）
of　the　nation。　From　Jaroslav　the　Sobor；　following　the　army；
removed　to　Moscow；　where　it　sat　in　common　with　the　boyars　of　the
council；　the　high　commission　of　the　clergy　（osviaschenini　Sobor）；
and　the　representatives　of　the　regular　and　irregular　military
forces；　that　is；　the　Strelzi　and　the　Cossacks。　It　was　this
Assembly　which　elected　Michael　Theodorovich　Romanov　to　be　Czar　of
Russia。
　　　　Before　proceeding　to　the　election　of　the　Czar；　the　Sobor
called　on　all　the　inhabitants　of　the　country　to　fast　for　three
consecutive　days。　It　then　passed　a　law；　due　mainly　to　the
influence　of　the　popular　section　of　the　Assembly；　prohibiting　the
election　of　any　foreign　prince。　The　nobility　would　have　had　no
objection　to　the　placing　of　a　Swedish　or　Polish　pretender　on　the
vacant　throne。　The　higher　and　lower　orders　differed　widely　as　to
the　man　they　wished　to　choose　from　among　the　Russian　boyars；　the
names　of　Golitzin；　Vorotinsky；　Troubezkoy；　and　even　that　of　the
dethroned　Basilius　Schouisky；　were；　for　a　time；　to　be　found　on
the　list　of　candidates　supported　by　the　nobility。　The　first　to
declare　himself　in　favour　of　the　young　Romanov　was　one　of　his
relations　named　Scheremetiev；　and　his　proposal　was　favourably
listened　to　by　the　lower　nobility；　the　Cossacks　and　the
burgesses。　His　election；　however；　was　so　unexpected　an　event　that
his　own　father；　a　bishop　then　closely　imprisoned　by　the　Poles；
was　the　first　to　suggest；　in　a　letter　written　to　Scheremetiev；
that　certain　constitutional　limits　should　be　imposed　On　the　power
of　the　future　Czar。　Strahlenberg（7*）　is　quite　correct　in　his
statement　that　the　idea　of　these　limitations　was　borrowed　from
Poland　where　already　in　the　middle　of　the　sixteenth　century；
under　Stephen　Bathory；　the　States…General；　or　Seim；　and　the
Council　possessed　considerable　rights。　The　reasons　which　operated
in　favour　of　the　young　Michael　Romanov　were；　first　of　all；　his
relationship　with　the　extinct　dynasty　of　Rurik　through　his　great
aunt；　Anastasia　Romanov；　who　was　one　of　the　wives　of　ivan　the
Terrible；　secondly；　the　small　number　of　relations　which　was
looked　upon　as　a　safeguard　against　further　depredations　on　the
demesne　lands　in　the　form　of　beneficiary　donations；　and　thirdly；
the　popularity　of　his　family；　which　had　been　persecuted　by　the
boyars　from　the　time　of　Boris　Godounov。　His　father；　Philarete；
who　had　been　forced　to　become　a　monk；　was　especially　endeared　to
the　nation　by　his　virtues；　he　had　attained　a　high　position　among
the　clergy；　having　been　made　Bishop　of　Jaroslav。
　　　　The　late　Patriarch　Germogen；　who　had　been　much　beloved　by　the
people；　had　also　been　favourably　disposed　towards　the　election　of
young　Romanov；　and　this　fact　contributed　greatly　to　secure　him
the　sympathy　of　the　clergy。　At　the　time　of　his　election　Michael
was　but　a　boy　of　fifteen；　and　his　father　being　a　prisoner　in
Magdeburgh；　Scheremetiev　and　the　members　of　his　party　looked　upon
it　as　highly　probable　that　the　real　government　would　pass　into
their　hands。
　　　　The　Sovereign　power　which　was　offered　to　young　Romanov　was
far　from　being　the　same　as　that　enjoyed　by　Ivan　the　Terrible。
Autocratic　power　had　had　to　yield　before　the　new　theories　of
constitutional　limitations　directly　imported　from　Poland。　That
Michael　had　to　sign　a　compromise　is　a　fact　briefly　mentioned　by
Russian　eye…witnesses；　such　as　Kotoschichin；　as　well　as　by
foreigners　then　residing　in　Russia。　The　chronicles　of　the　city　of
Pskov　speak　of　it　in　contemptuous　terms。　It　was　not　enough；　say
they；　for　the　boyars　to　have　reduced　the　country　to　the　miserable
state　to　which　they　had　brought　it。　They　wanted　to　go　on　in　the
same　way　of　pillage　and　oppression；　they　had　no　regard　for　the
Czar；　did　not　fear　him　on　account　of　his　youth；　and　all　the　more
so　since　they　had　induced　him；　at　the　time　of　his　accession　to
the　throne；　to　take　an　oath；　by　which　he　renounced　the　right　of
inflicting　capital　punishment　on　persons　belonging　to　the　higher
nobility。　Capital　punishment　was　to　be　superseded　by　close
imprisonment。　No　mention　is　made　in　the　chronicles　of　any　further
limitation　of　the　Sovereign　power　of　the　Czar。
　　　　The　well…known　Kotoschichin；　who　was　alive　at　the　time；
speaking　of　the　accession　of　the　Czar　Alexis；　son　of　Michael
Romanov；　notices　the　fact　that；　〃contrary　to　the　custom
established　by　his　predecessor；　the　new　Czar　signed　no　charter　by
which　he　undertook　to　inflict　capital　punishment　only　in
accordance　with　law　and　justice；　and　to　consult　the　boyars　and
men　of　the　Douma　on　each　and　every　question　concerning　the
government　of　the　land；　so　that　no　decision　might　be　come　to
without　their　assent。〃　Although　Kotoschichin　speaks　more
positively　as　to　the　constitutional　character　of　the　limitations
imposed　on　Russian　autocracy　in　the　first　quarter　of　the
seventeenth　century；　we　must　notice　the　fact　that　he　says　nothing
of　the　part　which　the　Sobor　or　Parliament　was　called　upon　to　play
in　this　experiment　in　limited　monarchy。　He　mentions　only　the
boyars　and　the　men　of　the　Douma；　not　〃those　of　the　land；〃　a
phrase　used　at　that　time　when　speaking　of　the　members　of　the
Zemski　Sobor。
　　　　The　Swedish　writer；　Fokkerodt；　is　more　explicit　when　he
affirms　that　in　the　compromise　signed　by　Michael；　the　young　Czar
promised　to　give　free　course　to　the　judicial　proceedings　of　the
courts；　so　as　to　inflict　no　punishment　on　his　own　authority；　to
introduce　no　new　law　without　the　consent　of　the　Sobor；　to　abstain
from　levying　any　tax　without　the　consent　of　this　representative
Assembly；　and　to　begin　no　war　without　its　counsel　and
approbation。
　　　　As　to　Strahlenberg；　his　statement　is　as　follows：　Before　the
coronation　Michael　was　forced　to　accept　the　following　conditions：
He　promised　to　（1）　uphold　and　protect　the　existing　creed　of
Russia；　（2）　to　keep　no　memory　of　injuries　inflicted　on　his
family；　to　forget　and　to　forgive　all　past　animosities；　（3）　He
took　also　the　obligation　to　make　no　new　laws　or　alter　old　ones；
and　to　take　no　important　measure　which　might　contradict　the
existing　laws；　or　suspend　the　legal　proceedings　of　the　court　of
justice。　（4）　He　promised　as　well　　to　begin　no　wars　and　to　make　no
peace　by　his　own　will。（8*）
　　　　This　view　of　the　power　of　the　Sobor　is　confirmed　by　the　fact
of　its　quasi…permanent　presence　at　Moscow　during　the　whole　reign
of　the　first　Romanov。　The　laws　and　proclamations　issued　at　that
time　generally　contain　the　following　characteristic　expression：
〃According　to　our　order　（oukas）　and　the　decision　of　the　whole
land　（po　vsei　zemli　prigovorou）。〃　The　whole　land　cannot　mean
anything　else　than　the　representatives　in　Parliament　assembled。
　　　　Many　important　questions　were　discussed　and　settled　by　the
Sobor。　In　the　first　years　of　the　reign　want　of　money　obliged　the
Czar　more　than　once　to　have　recourse　to　forced　loans　and
benevolences。　These　were　levied　side　by　side　with　the　regular
taxes　on　the　goods　of　merchants　and　peasants　（torgovii　i　soschnii
liudi）；　the　taxes　received　the　consent　of　the　Sobor；　the
benevolences　were　endorsed　by　it。　The　nomination　of　a　new
Patriarch　in　1619　was　also　their　work。　The　annals　of　the　time
tell　us　that　the　boyars；　the　dignitaries　of　the　Court；　and　all
the　people　of　the　〃Moscovite　State〃　called　on　Michael　and　asked
him　to　induce　his　father　Philarete　to　accept　the　primacy　of　the
Russian　church。　Two　years　later；　in　1621；　a　new　Sobor　was
consulted　on　the　question　as　to　whether　Russia　should　go　to　war
with　Poland。　The　Estates　gave　an　answer　in　the　affirmative；　but
the　want　of　money　and　soldiers　forced　the　Government　to　postpone
the　execution　of　this　decision。
　　　　From　1622　the　Sobors　lose　their　character　of　quasi…constant
assemblies；　each　remaining　in　session　for　several　years　and　begin
to　be　called　only　on　special　occasions；　whenever　their　services
were　required　for　the　settlement　of　important　questions　of　State。
　　　　In　1632　war　with　Poland　necessitated　the　levying　of　new
subsidies。　The　Sobor　Was　accordingly　assembled　and　gave　its
consent　to　the　imposition　of　a　general　tax　on　all　the　estates　of
the　empire；　on　the　tradesmen　as　on　the　〃men　of　service。〃　The
amount　of　money　to　be　demanded　from　the　latter　was　not　fixed；
each　person　could　pay　what　he　liked。　The　sums　produced　by　the　tax
were　intended　for　the　payment　of　the　army。　During　the　next　two
years　we　find　the　Sobor　consulting　the　Czar　on　matters　of　war　and
taxation；　on　the　relations　of　the　land　with　Poland　and　the
Tartars　of　the　Crimea。　The　Czar　complained　of　the　ill…treatment
to　which　his　envoy　was　subjected　by　the　Khan。　The　superior
clergy；　whose　answer　alone　has　been　preserved；　insisted　on　the
necessity　of　building　fortresses　on　the　Southern　boundaries　of
the　Moscovite　empire；　in　those　cities　of　the　Ukraine；　which　like
Belgorod　or　Voroneg；　remained　for　centuries　the　pioneers　of
Christianity　and　culture　in　the　southern　steppes　of　Rus