memoirs of napoleon bonaparte, v12-第14部分

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Napoleon　and　the　Empire；　beyond　which　the　sphere　of　their　ideas　did　not
extend；　while　among　Napoleon's　old　brothers…in…arms　it　was　still
remembered　that　there　was　once　a　country；　a　France；　before　they　had
helped　to　give　it　a　master。　　To　this　class　of　men　France　was　not　confined
to　the　narrow　circle　of　the　Imperial　headquarters；　but　extended　to　the
Rhine；　the　Alps；　the　Pyrenees；　and　the　two　oceans。

On　the　other　hand；　numbers　of　ardent　and　adventurous　young　men；　full　of
enthusiasm　for　Bonaparte；　had　passed　from　the　school　to　the　camp。　　They
were　entirely　opposed　to　Napoleon's　downfall；　because　with　his　power
would　vanish　those　dreams　of　glory　and　fortune　which　had　captivated　their
imaginations。　　These　young　men；　who　belonged　to　the　class　which　I　have
denominated　children　of　the　Empire；　were　prepared　to　risk　and　commit
everything　to　prolong　the　political　life　of　their　Emperor。

The　distinction　I　have　drawn　between　what　may　be　called　the　men　of　France
and　the　men　of　the　Empire　was　not　confined　to　the　army；　but　was　equally
marked　among　the　high　civil　functionaries　of　the　State。　　The　old
Republicans　could　not　possibly　regard　Napoleon　with　the　same　eyes　as
those　whose　elevation　dated　only　from　Napoleon；　and　the　members　of
assemblies　anterior　to　the　18th　Brumaire　could　not　entertain　the　same
ideas　as　those　whose　notions　of　national　franchises　and　public　rights
were　derived　from　their　seats　as　auditors　in　the　Council　of　State。　　I
know　not　whether　this　distinction　between　the　men　of　two　different
periods　has　been　before　pointed　out；　but　it　serves　to　explain　the　conduct
of　many　persons　of　elevated　rank　during　the　events　of　1814。　　With　regard
to　myself；　convinced　as　I　was　of　the　certainty　of　Napoleon's　fall；　I
conceived　that　the　first　duty　of　every　citizen　was　claimed　by　his
country；　and　although　I　may　incur　censure；　I　candidly　avow　that
Napoleon's　treatment　of　me　during　the　last　four　years　of　his　power　was
not　without　some　influence　on　my　prompt　submission　to　the　Government
which　succeeded　his。　　I；　however；　declare　that　this　consideration　was　not
the　sole　nor　the　most　powerful　motive　of　my　conduct。　　Only　those　who　were
in　Paris　at　the　period　of　the　capitulation　can　form　an　idea　of　the
violence　of　party　feeling　which　prevailed　there　both　for　and　against
Napoleon；　but　without　the　name　of　the　Bourbons　ever　being　pronounced。
They　were　almost　unknown　to　the　new　generation；　forgotten　by　many　of　the
old；　and　feared　by　the　conventionalists；　at　that　time　they　possessed　only
the　frail　support　of　the　coteries　of　the　Faubourg　St。　Germain；　and　some
remains　of　the　emigration。　　But　as　it　is　certain　that　the　emigrants　could
offer　only　vain　demonstrations　and　wishes　in　support　of　the　old　family　of
our　Kings；　they　did　little　to　assist　the　restoration　of　the　Bourbons。
Another　thing　equally　certain　is；　that　they　alone；　by　their　follies　and
absurd　pretensions；　brought　about　the　return　of　Bonaparte　and　the　second
exile　of　Louis　XVIII。　in　the　following　year。

On　the　28th　of　March　was　convoked　an　extraordinary　Council　of　Regency；
at　which　Maria　Louisa　presided。　　The　question　discussed　was；　whether　the
Empress　should　remain　in　Paris　or　proceed　to　Blois。　　Joseph　Bonaparte
strongly　urged　her　departure；　because　a　letter　from　the　Emperor　had
directed　that　in　case　of　Paris　being　threatened　the　Empress…Regent　and
all　the　Council　of　Regency　should　retire　to　Blois。　　The　Arch…Chancellor
and　the　majority　of　the　Council　were　of　the　same　opinion；　but　one　of　the
most　influential　members　of　the　Council　observed　to　Joseph　that　the
letter　referred　to　had　been　written　under　circumstances　very　different
from　those　then　existing；　and　that　it　was　important　the　Empress　should
remain　in　Paris；　where　she　would；　of　course；　obtain　from　the　Emperor　her
father　and　the　Allied　sovereigns；　more　advantageous　conditions　than　if
she　were　fifty　leagues　from　Paris。　　The　adoption　of　this　opinion　would
only　have　retarded　for　a　few　days　a　change　which　had　become　inevitable；
nevertheless　it　might　have　given　rise　to　great　difficulties。　　It　must　be
admitted　that　for　the　interests　of　Napoleon　it　was　the　wisest　counsel
that　could　be　suggested。　　However；　it　was　overruled　by　Joseph's　advice。

M。　de　Talleyrand；　as　a　member　of　the　Council　of　Regency；　also　received
the　order　to　quit　Paris　on　the　30th　of　March。　　At　this　period　I　was　at
his　house　every　day。　　When　I　went　to　him　that　day　I　was　told　he　had
started。　　However　I　went　up；　and　remained　some　time　in　his　hotel　with
several　of　his　friends　who　had　met　there。　　We　soon　saw　him　return；　and
for　my　part　I　heard　with　satisfaction　that　they　had　not　allowed　him　to
pass　the　barriers。　　It　was　said　then；　and　it　has　been　repeated　since；
that　M。　de　Talleyrand　was　not　a　stranger　to　the　gentle　violence　used
towards　him。　　The　same　day　of　this　visit　to　M。　de　Talleyrand　I　also　went
to　see　the　Duc　de　Rovigo　（Savary）；　with　the　friendly　object　of　getting
him　to　remain；　and　to　profit　by　his　position　to　prevent　disturbances。
He　refused　without　hesitating；　as　he　only　thought　of　the　Emperor。
I　found　him　by　his　fireside；　where　there　was　a　large　file；　in　which　he
was　burning　all　the　papers　which　might　have　compromised　every　one　who　had
served　his　ministry　（Police）。　　I　congratulated　him　sincerely　on　this
loyal　occupation：　fire　alone　could　purify　the　mass　of　filth　and
denunciations　which　encumbered　the　police　archives。

On　the　departure　of　the　Empress　many　persons　expected　a　popular　movement
in　favour　of　a　change　of　Government；　but　the　capital　remained　tranquil。
Many　of　the　inhabitants；　indeed；　thought　of　defence；　not　for　the　sake　of
preserving　Napoleon's　government；　but　merely　from　that　ardour　of　feeling
which　belongs　to　our　national　character。　　Strong　indignation　was　excited
by　the　thought　of　seeing　foreigners　masters　of　Parisa　circumstance　of
which　there　had　been　no　example　since　the　reign　of　Charles　VII。
Meanwhile　the　critical　moment　approached。　　On　the　29th　of　March　Marshals
Marmont　and　Mortier　fell　back　to　defend　the　approaches　to　Paris。　　During
the　night　the　barriers　were　consigned　to　the　care　of　the　National　Guard；
and　not　a　foreigner；　not　even　one　of　their　agents；　was　allowed　to　enter
the　capital。

At　daybreak　on　the　30th　of　March　the　whole　population　of　Paris　was
awakened　by　the　report　of　cannon；　and　the　plain　of　St。　Denis　was　soon
covered　with　Allied　troops；　who　were　debouching　upon　it　from　all　points。
The　heroic　valour　of　our　troops　was　unavailing　against　such　a　numerical
superiority。　　But　the　Allies　paid　dearly　for　their　entrance　into　the
French　capital。　　The　National　Guard；　under　the　command　of　Marshal　Moncey；
and　the　pupils　of　the　Polytechnic　School　transformed　into　artillery　men；
behaved　in　a　manner　worthy　of　veteran　troops。　　The　conduct　of　Marmont　on
that　day　alone　would　suffice　to　immortalise　him。　　The　corps　he　commanded
was　reduced　to　between　7000　and　8000　infantry　and　800　cavalry；　with　whom；
for　the　space　of　twelve　hours　he　maintained　his　ground　against　an　army　of
55；000　men；　of　whom　it　is　said　14；000　were　killed；　wounded；　and　taken。
Marshal　Marmont　put　himself　so　forward　in　the　heat　of　the　battle　that　a
dozen　of　men　were　killed　by　the　bayonet　at　his　side；　and　his　hat　was
perforated　by　a　ball。　　But　what　was　to　be　done　against　overwhelming
numbers！

In　this　state　of　things　the　Duke　of　Ragusa　made　known　his　situation　to
Joseph　Bonaparte；　who　authorised　him　to　negotiate。

Joseph's　answer　is　so　important　in　reference　to　the　events　which
succeeded　that　I　will　transcribe　it　here。

　　　　　If　the　Dukes　of　Ragusa　and　Treviso　can　no　longer　hold　out；　they　are
　　　　　authorised　to　negotiate　with　Prince　Schwartzenberg　and　the　Emperor
　　　　　of　Russia；　who　are　before　them。

　　　　　They　will　fall　back　on　the　Loire。
　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　（Signed）　　　JOSEPH

　　　　　Montmartre；　30th　March　1814；　12　oclock


It　was　not　until　a　considerable　time　after　the　receipt　of　this　formal
authority　that　Marmont　and　Mortier　ceased　to　make　a　vigorous　resistance
against　the　Allied　army；　for　the　suspension　of　arms　was　not　agreed　upon
until　four　in　the　afternoon。　　It　was　not　waited　for　by　Joseph；　at　a
quarter　past　twelvethat　is　to　say；　immediately　after　he　had　addressed
to　Marmont　the　authority　just　alluded　to　Joseph　repaired　to　the　Bois　de
Boulogne　to　regain　the　Versailles　road；　and　from　thence　to　proceed　to
Rambouillet。　　The　precipitate　flight　of　Joseph　astonished　only　those　who
did　not　know　him。　　I　know　for　a　fact　that　several　officers　attached　to
his　staff　were　much　dissatisfied　at　his　alacrity　on　this　occasion。

In　these　circumstances　what　was　to　be　done　but　to　save　Paris；　which　there
was　no　possibility　of　defending　two　hours　longer。　　Methinks　I　still　see
Marmont　when；　on　the　evening　of　the　30th　of　March；　he　returned　from　the
field　of　battle　to　his　hotel　in　the　Rue　de　Paradis；　where　I　was　waiting
for　him；　together　with　about　twenty　other　persons；　among　whom　were　MM。
Perregaua　and　Lafitte。　　When　he　entered　he　was　scarcely　recognisable：　he
had　a　beard　of　eight　days'　growth；　the　greatcoat　which　covered　his
uniform　was　in　tatters；　and　he　was　blackened　with　powder　from　head　to
foot。　　We　considered　what　was　best　to　be　done；　and　all　insisted　on　the
necessity　of　signing　a　capitulation。　　The　Marshal　must　recollect　that　the
exclamation　of　every　one　about　him　was；　〃France　must　be　saved。〃
MM。　Perregaus　and　Lafitte　delivered　their　opinions　in　a　very　decided　way；
and　it　will　readily　be　conceived　how　great　was　the　influence　of　two　men
who　were　at　the　head　of　the　financial　world。　　They　alleged　that　the
general　wish　of　the　Parisians；　which　nobody　had　a　better　opportunity　of
knowing　than　themselves；　was　decidedly　averse　to　a　protracted　conflict；
and　that　France　was　tired　of　the　yoke　of　Bonaparte。　　This　last
declaration　gave　a　wider　range　to　the　business　under　consideration。
The　question　was　no　longer　confined　to　the　capitulation　of　Paris；　but　a
change　in　the　government　was　thought　of；　and　the　name　of　the　Bourbons　was
pronounced　for　the　first　time。　　I　do　not　recollect　which　of　us　it　was
who；　on　hearing　mention　made　of　the　possible　recall　of　the　old　dynasty；
remarked　how　difficult　it　would　be　to　bring　about　a　restoration　without
retrograding　to　the　past。　　But　I　think　I