友情提示:如果本网页打开太慢或显示不完整,请尝试鼠标右键“刷新”本网页!
合租小说网 返回本书目录 加入书签 我的书架 我的书签 TXT全本下载 『收藏到我的浏览器』

list3-第1部分

快捷操作: 按键盘上方向键 ← 或 → 可快速上下翻页 按键盘上的 Enter 键可回到本书目录页 按键盘上方向键 ↑ 可回到本页顶部! 如果本书没有阅读完,想下次继续接着阅读,可使用上方 "收藏到我的浏览器" 功能 和 "加入书签" 功能!











Third Book







The Systems











Chapter 28







The National Economists of Italy







    Italy has been the forerunner of all modern nations; in the



theory as well as in the practice of Political Economy。 Count



Pechio has given us a laboriously written sketch of that branch of



Italian literature; only his book is open to the observation; that



he has clung too slavishly to the popular theory; and has not duly



set forth the fundamental causes of the decline of Italy's national



industry  the absence of national unity; surrounded as she was by



great nationalities united under hereditary monarchies; further;



priestly rule and the downfall of municipal freedom in the Italian



republics and cities。 If he had more deeply investigated these



causes; he could not have failed to apprehend the special tendency



of the 'Prince' of Macchiavelli; and he would not have passed that



author by with merely an incidental reference to him。(1*)



    Through a remark of Pechio; that Macchiavelli in a letter to



his friend Guicciardini (in 1525) had proposed a union of all the



Powers of Italy against the foreigner; and that as that letter was



communicated to Pope Clement VII he had thus exercised considerable



influence in the formation of the 'Holy League' (in 1526); we were



led to imagine that the same tendency must underlie the 'Prince。'



As soon as we referred to that work; we found our anticipation



confirmed at first sight。 The object of the 'Prince' (written in



1513) was clearly to impress the Medici with the idea; that they



were called upon to unite the whole of Italy under one sovereignty;



and to indicate to them the means whereby that end might be



attained。 The title and form of that book; as though its general



intention was to treat of the nature of absolute government; were



undoubtedly selected from motives of prudence。 It only alludes



incidentally to the various hereditary Princes and their



governments。 Everywhere the author has in view only one Italian



usurper。 Principalities must be overthrown; dynasties destroyed;



the feudal aristocracy brought under subjection; liberty in the



republics rooted out。 The virtues of heaven and the artifices of



hell; wisdom and audacity; valour and treachery; good fortune and



chance; must all be called forth; made use of; and tried by the



usurper; in order to found an Italian empire。 And to this end a



secret is confided to him; the power of which has been thoroughly



made manifest three hundred years later  a national army must be



created; to whom victory must be assured by new discipline and by



newly invented arms and manoeuvres。(2*)



    If the general character of his arguments leaves room for doubt



as to the special bias of this author; such doubt will be removed



by his last chapter。 There he plainly declares that foreign



invasions and internal divisions are the fundamental causes of all



the evils prevailing in Italy; that the House of the Medici; under



whose dominion were (fortunately) Tuscany and the States of the



Church; were called by Providence itself to accomplish that great



work; that the present was the best time and opportunity for



introducing a new r間ime; that now a new Moses must arise to



deliver his people from the bondage of Egypt; that nothing



conferred on a Prince more distinction and fame than great



enterprises。(3*)



    That anyone may read between the lines the tendency of that



book in the other chapters also; may be best seen by the manner in



which the author in his ninth chapter speaks of the States of the



Church。 It is merely an irony when he says; 'The priests possessed



lands but did not govern them; they held lordships but did not



defend them; these happiest of all territories were directly



protected by God's Providence; it would be presumption to utter a



criticism upon them。' He clearly by this language meant it to be



understood without saying so in plain words: This country presents



no special impediment to a bold conqueror; especially to a Medici



whose relative occupies the Papal chair。



    But how can we explain the advice which Macchiavelli gives to



his proposed usurper respecting the republics; considering his own



republican sentiments? And must it be solely attributed to a design



on his part to ingratiate himself with the Prince to whom his book



is dedicated; and thus to gain private advantages; when he; the



zealous republican; the great thinker and literary genius; the



patriotic martyr; advised the future usurper utterly to destroy the



freedom of the Italian republics? It cannot be denied that



Macchiavelli; at the time when he wrote the 'Prince;' was



languishing in poverty; that he regarded the future with anxiety;



that he earnestly longed and hoped for employment and support from



the Medici。 A letter which he wrote on October 10; 1513; from his



poor dwelling in the country to his friend Bettori; at Florence;



places that beyond doubt。(4*)



    Nevertheless; there are strong reasons for believing that he by



this book did not merely design to flatter the Medici; and to gain



private advantage; but to promote the realisation of a plan of



usurpation; a plan which was not opposed to his



republican…patriotic ideas; though according to the moral ideas of



our day it must be condemned as reprehensible and wicked。 His



writings and his deeds in the service of the State prove that



Macchiavelli was thoroughly acquainted with the history of all



periods; and with the political condition of all States。 But an eye



which could see so far backwards; and so clearly what was around



it; must also have been able to see far into the future。 A spirit



which even at the beginning of the sixteenth century recognised the



advantage of the national arming of Italy; must also have seen that



the time for small republics was past; that the period for great



monarchies had arrived; that nationality could; under the



circumstances then existing; be won only by means of usurpation;



and maintained only by despotism; that the oligarchies as they then



existed in the Italian republics constituted the greatest obstacle



to national unity; that consequently they must be destroyed; and



that national freedom would one day grow out of national unity。



Macchiavelli evidently desired to cast away the worn…out liberty of



a few cities as a prey to despotism; hoping by its aid to acquire



national union; and thus to insure to future generations freedom on



a greater and a nobler scale。



    The earliest work written specially on Political Economy in



Italy; is that of Antonio Serra of Naples (in 1613); on the means



of providing 'the Kingdoms' with an abundance of gold and silver。



    J。 B。 Say and M'Culloch appear to have seen and read only the



title of this book: they each pass it over with the remark that it



merely treats of money; and its title certainly shows that the



author laboured under the error of considering the precious metals



as the sole constituents of wealth。 If they had read farther into



it; and duly considered its contents; they might perhaps have



derived from it some wholesome lessons。 Antonio Serra; although he



fell into the error of considering an abundance of gold and silver



as the tokens of wealth; nevertheless expresses himself tolerably



clearly on the causes of it。



    He certainly puts mining in the first place as the direct



source of the precious metals; but he treats very justly of the



indirect means of acquiring them。 Agriculture; manufactures;



commerce; and navigation; are; according to him; the chief sources



of national wealth。 The fertility of the soil is a sure source of



prosperity; manufactures are a still more fruitful source; for



several reasons; but chiefly because they constitute the foundation



of an extensive commerce。 The productiveness of these sources



depends on the characteristic qualifications of the people (viz。



whether they are industrious; active; enterprising; thrifty; and so



forth); also on the nature and circumstances of the locality



(whether; for instance; a city is well situated for maritime



trade)。 But above all these causes; Serra ranks the form of



government; public order; municipal liberty; political guarantees;



the stability of the laws。 ' No country can prosper;' says he; '



where each successive ruler enacts new laws; hence the States of



the Holy Father cannot be so prosperous as those countries whose



government and legislation are more stable。 In contrast with the



former; one may observe in Venice the effect which a system of



order and legislation; which has continued for centuries; has on



the public welfare。' This is the quintessence of a system of



Political Economy which in the main; notwithstanding that its



object appears to be only the acquisition of the precious metals;



is remarkable for its sound and natural doctrine。 The work of J。 B。



Say; although it comprises ideas and matter on Political Economy of



which Antonio Serra had in his day no foreknowledge; is far



inferior to Serra's on the main points; and especially as respects



a due estimate of the effect of political circumstances on the



wealth of nations。 Had Say studied Serra instead of laying his work



aside; he could hardly have maintained (in the first page of his



system of Political Economy) that 'the constitution of countries



cannot be taken into account in respect to Political Econo
返回目录 下一页 回到顶部 0 0
快捷操作: 按键盘上方向键 ← 或 → 可快速上下翻页 按键盘上的 Enter 键可回到本书目录页 按键盘上方向键 ↑ 可回到本页顶部!
温馨提示: 温看小说的同时发表评论,说出自己的看法和其它小伙伴们分享也不错哦!发表书评还可以获得积分和经验奖励,认真写原创书评 被采纳为精评可以获得大量金币、积分和经验奖励哦!