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was confirmed in this idea by Quesnay; Turgot; and the other



coryphaei of the physiocratic school; whose acquaintance he had



made in a visit to France in the year 1765。



    Smith evidently considered the idea of freedom of trade as an



intellectual discovery which would constitute the foundation of his



literary fame。 How natural; therefore; it was that he should



endeavour in his work to put aside and to refute everything that



stood in the way of that idea; that he should consider himself as



the professed advocate of absolute freedom of trade; and that he



thought and wrote in that spirit。



    How could it be expected; that with such preconceived opinions;



Smith should judge of men and of things; of history and statistics;



of political measures and of their authors; in any other light than



as they confirmed or contradicted his fundamental principle?



    In the passage above quoted from Dugald Stewart; Adam Smith's



whole system is comprised as in a nutshell。 The power of the State



can and ought to do nothing; except to allow justice to be



administered; to impose as little taxation as possible。 Statesmen



who attempt to found a manufacturing power; to promote navigation;



to extend foreign trade; to protect it by naval power; and to found



or to acquire colonies; are in his opinion project makers who only



hinder the progress of the community。 For him no nation exists; but



merely a community; i。e。 a number of individuals dwelling together。



These individuals know best for themselves what branches of



occupation are most to their advantage; and they can best select



for themselves the means which promote their prosperity。



    This entire nullification of nationality and of State power;



this exaltation of individualism to the position of author of all



effective power; could be made plausible only by making the main



object of investigation to be not the power which effects; but the



thing effected; namely; material wealth; or rather the value in



exchange which the thing effected possesses。 Materialism must come



to the aid of individualism; in order to conceal what an enormous



amount of power accrues to individuals from nationality; from



national unity; and from the national confederation of the



productive powers。 A bare theory of values must be made to pass



current as national economy; because individuals alone produce



values; and the State; incapable of creating values; must limit its



operations to calling into activity; protecting; and promoting the



productive powers of individuals。 In this combination; the



quintessence of political economy may be stated as follows; viz。:



Wealth consists in the possession of objects of exchangeable value;



objects of exchangeable value are produced by the labour of



individuals in combination with the powers of nature and with



capital。 By the division of labour; the productiveness of the



labour is increased; capital is accumulated by savings; by



production exceeding consumption。 The greater the total amount of



capital; so much the greater is the division of labour; and hence



the capacity to produce。 Private interest is the most effectual



stimulus to labour and to economy。 Therefore the highest wisdom of



statecraft consists in placing no obstacle in the way of private



industry; and in caring only for the good administration of



justice。 And hence also it is folly to induce the subjects of a



State; by means of State legislative measures; to produce for them



selves anything which they can buy cheaper from abroad。 A system so



consistent as this is; which sets forth the elements of wealth;



which so clearly explains the process of its production; and



apparently so completely exposes the errors of the previous



schools; could not fail; in default of any other; to meet with



acceptance。 The mistake has been simply; that this system at bottom



is nothing else than a system of the private economy of all the



individual persons in a country; or of the individuals of the whole



human race; as that economy would develop and shape itself; under



a state of things in which there were no distinct nations;



nationalities; or national interests  no distinctive political



constitutions or degrees of civilisation  no wars or national



animosities; that it is nothing more than a theory of values; a



mere shopkeeper's or individual merchant's theory  not a



scientific doctrine; showing how the productive powers of an entire



nation can be called into existence; increased; maintained; and



preserved  for the special benefit of its civilisation; welfare;



might; continuance; and independence。



    This system regards everything from the shopkeeper's point of



view。 The value of anything is wealth; according to it; so its sole



object is to gain values。 The establishment of powers of



production; it leaves to chance; to nature; or to the providence of



God (whichever you please); only the State must have nothing at all



to do with it; nor must politics venture to meddle with the



business of accumulating exchangeable values。 It is resolved to buy



wherever it can find the cheapest articles  that the home



manufactories are ruined by their importation; matters not to it。



If foreign nations give a bounty on the export of their



manufactured goods; so much the better; it can buy them so much the



cheaper。 In its view no class is productive save those who actually



produce things valuable in exchange。 It well recognises how the



division of labour promotes the success of a business in detail;



but it has no perception of the effect of the division of labour as



affecting a whole nation。 It knows that only by individual economy



can it increase its capital; and that only in proportion to the



increase in its capital can it extend its individual trades; but it



sets no value on the increase of the productive power; which



results from the establishment of native manufactories; or on the



foreign trade and national power which arise out of that increase。



What may become of the entire nation in the future; is to it a



matter of perfect indifference; so long as private individuals can



gain wealth。 It takes notice merely of the rent yielded by land;



but pays no regard to the value of landed property; it does not



perceive that the greatest part of the wealth of a nation consists



in the value of its land and its fixed property。 For the influence



of foreign trade on the value and price of landed property; and for



the fluctuations and calamities thence arising; it cares not a



straw。 In short; this system is the strictest and most consistent



'mercantile system;' and it is incomprehensible how that term could



have been applied to the system of Colbert; the main tendency of



which is towards an 'industrial system' …i。e。 a system which has



solely in view the founding of a national industry  a national



commerce  without regarding the temporary gains or losses of



values in exchange。



    Notwithstanding; we would by no means deny the great merits of



Adam Smith。 He was the first who successfully applied the



analytical method to political economy。 By means of that method and



an unusual degree of sagacity; he threw light on the most important



branches of the science; which were previously almost wholly



obscure。 Before Adam Smith only a practice existed; his works



rendered it possible to constitute a science of political economy;



and he has contributed a greater amount of materials for that



object than all his predecessors or successors。



    But that very peculiarity of his mind by which; in analysing



the various constituent parts of political economy; he rendered



such important service; was the cause why he did not take a



comprehensive view of the community in its entirety; that he was



unable to combine individual interests in one harmonious whole;



that he would not consider the nation in preference to mere



individuals; that out of mere anxiety for the freedom of action of



the individual producers; he lost sight of the interests of the



entire nation。 He who so clearly perceived the benefits of the



division of labour in a single manufactory; did not perceive that



the same principle is applicable with equal force to entire



provinces and nations。



    With this opinion; that which Dugald Stewart says of him



exactly agrees。 Smith could judge individual traits of character



with extraordinary acuteness; but if an opinion was needed as to



the entire character of a man or of a book; one could not be



sufficiently astonished at the narrowness and obliquity of his



views。 Nay; he was incapable of forming a correct estimate of the



character of those with whom he had lived for many years in the



most intimate friendship。 'The portrait;' says his biographer; 'was



ever full of life and expression; and had a strong resemblance to



the original if one compared it with the original from a certain



point of view; but it never gave a true and perfect representation



according to all its dimensions and circumstances。'







Chapter 32







The System of Values of Exchange (Continued)  Jean Baptiste Say



and his School







    This author on the whole has merely endeavoured to systematise;



to elucidate; and to popularise; the materials which Adam Smith had



gathered together after an irregular fashion。 In that he has



perfectly succeeded; inasmuch as he possessed in a high degree the



gift of systematisation a
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