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was　confirmed　in　this　idea　by　Quesnay；　Turgot；　and　the　other



coryphaei　of　the　physiocratic　school；　whose　acquaintance　he　had



made　in　a　visit　to　France　in　the　year　1765。



　　　　Smith　evidently　considered　the　idea　of　freedom　of　trade　as　an



intellectual　discovery　which　would　constitute　the　foundation　of　his



literary　fame。　How　natural；　therefore；　it　was　that　he　should



endeavour　in　his　work　to　put　aside　and　to　refute　everything　that



stood　in　the　way　of　that　idea；　that　he　should　consider　himself　as



the　professed　advocate　of　absolute　freedom　of　trade；　and　that　he



thought　and　wrote　in　that　spirit。



　　　　How　could　it　be　expected；　that　with　such　preconceived　opinions；



Smith　should　judge　of　men　and　of　things；　of　history　and　statistics；



of　political　measures　and　of　their　authors；　in　any　other　light　than



as　they　confirmed　or　contradicted　his　fundamental　principle？



　　　　In　the　passage　above　quoted　from　Dugald　Stewart；　Adam　Smith's



whole　system　is　comprised　as　in　a　nutshell。　The　power　of　the　State



can　and　ought　to　do　nothing；　except　to　allow　justice　to　be



administered；　to　impose　as　little　taxation　as　possible。　Statesmen



who　attempt　to　found　a　manufacturing　power；　to　promote　navigation；



to　extend　foreign　trade；　to　protect　it　by　naval　power；　and　to　found



or　to　acquire　colonies；　are　in　his　opinion　project　makers　who　only



hinder　the　progress　of　the　community。　For　him　no　nation　exists；　but



merely　a　community；　i。e。　a　number　of　individuals　dwelling　together。



These　individuals　know　best　for　themselves　what　branches　of



occupation　are　most　to　their　advantage；　and　they　can　best　select



for　themselves　the　means　which　promote　their　prosperity。



　　　　This　entire　nullification　of　nationality　and　of　State　power；



this　exaltation　of　individualism　to　the　position　of　author　of　all



effective　power；　could　be　made　plausible　only　by　making　the　main



object　of　investigation　to　be　not　the　power　which　effects；　but　the



thing　effected；　namely；　material　wealth；　or　rather　the　value　in



exchange　which　the　thing　effected　possesses。　Materialism　must　come



to　the　aid　of　individualism；　in　order　to　conceal　what　an　enormous



amount　of　power　accrues　to　individuals　from　nationality；　from



national　unity；　and　from　the　national　confederation　of　the



productive　powers。　A　bare　theory　of　values　must　be　made　to　pass



current　as　national　economy；　because　individuals　alone　produce



values；　and　the　State；　incapable　of　creating　values；　must　limit　its



operations　to　calling　into　activity；　protecting；　and　promoting　the



productive　powers　of　individuals。　In　this　combination；　the



quintessence　of　political　economy　may　be　stated　as　follows；　viz。：



Wealth　consists　in　the　possession　of　objects　of　exchangeable　value；



objects　of　exchangeable　value　are　produced　by　the　labour　of



individuals　in　combination　with　the　powers　of　nature　and　with



capital。　By　the　division　of　labour；　the　productiveness　of　the



labour　is　increased；　capital　is　accumulated　by　savings；　by



production　exceeding　consumption。　The　greater　the　total　amount　of



capital；　so　much　the　greater　is　the　division　of　labour；　and　hence



the　capacity　to　produce。　Private　interest　is　the　most　effectual



stimulus　to　labour　and　to　economy。　Therefore　the　highest　wisdom　of



statecraft　consists　in　placing　no　obstacle　in　the　way　of　private



industry；　and　in　caring　only　for　the　good　administration　of



justice。　And　hence　also　it　is　folly　to　induce　the　subjects　of　a



State；　by　means　of　State　legislative　measures；　to　produce　for　them



selves　anything　which　they　can　buy　cheaper　from　abroad。　A　system　so



consistent　as　this　is；　which　sets　forth　the　elements　of　wealth；



which　so　clearly　explains　the　process　of　its　production；　and



apparently　so　completely　exposes　the　errors　of　the　previous



schools；　could　not　fail；　in　default　of　any　other；　to　meet　with



acceptance。　The　mistake　has　been　simply；　that　this　system　at　bottom



is　nothing　else　than　a　system　of　the　private　economy　of　all　the



individual　persons　in　a　country；　or　of　the　individuals　of　the　whole



human　race；　as　that　economy　would　develop　and　shape　itself；　under



a　state　of　things　in　which　there　were　no　distinct　nations；



nationalities；　or　national　interests　　no　distinctive　political



constitutions　or　degrees　of　civilisation　　no　wars　or　national



animosities；　that　it　is　nothing　more　than　a　theory　of　values；　a



mere　shopkeeper's　or　individual　merchant's　theory　　not　a



scientific　doctrine；　showing　how　the　productive　powers　of　an　entire



nation　can　be　called　into　existence；　increased；　maintained；　and



preserved　　for　the　special　benefit　of　its　civilisation；　welfare；



might；　continuance；　and　independence。



　　　　This　system　regards　everything　from　the　shopkeeper's　point　of



view。　The　value　of　anything　is　wealth；　according　to　it；　so　its　sole



object　is　to　gain　values。　The　establishment　of　powers　of



production；　it　leaves　to　chance；　to　nature；　or　to　the　providence　of



God　（whichever　you　please）；　only　the　State　must　have　nothing　at　all



to　do　with　it；　nor　must　politics　venture　to　meddle　with　the



business　of　accumulating　exchangeable　values。　It　is　resolved　to　buy



wherever　it　can　find　the　cheapest　articles　　that　the　home



manufactories　are　ruined　by　their　importation；　matters　not　to　it。



If　foreign　nations　give　a　bounty　on　the　export　of　their



manufactured　goods；　so　much　the　better；　it　can　buy　them　so　much　the



cheaper。　In　its　view　no　class　is　productive　save　those　who　actually



produce　things　valuable　in　exchange。　It　well　recognises　how　the



division　of　labour　promotes　the　success　of　a　business　in　detail；



but　it　has　no　perception　of　the　effect　of　the　division　of　labour　as



affecting　a　whole　nation。　It　knows　that　only　by　individual　economy



can　it　increase　its　capital；　and　that　only　in　proportion　to　the



increase　in　its　capital　can　it　extend　its　individual　trades；　but　it



sets　no　value　on　the　increase　of　the　productive　power；　which



results　from　the　establishment　of　native　manufactories；　or　on　the



foreign　trade　and　national　power　which　arise　out　of　that　increase。



What　may　become　of　the　entire　nation　in　the　future；　is　to　it　a



matter　of　perfect　indifference；　so　long　as　private　individuals　can



gain　wealth。　It　takes　notice　merely　of　the　rent　yielded　by　land；



but　pays　no　regard　to　the　value　of　landed　property；　it　does　not



perceive　that　the　greatest　part　of　the　wealth　of　a　nation　consists



in　the　value　of　its　land　and　its　fixed　property。　For　the　influence



of　foreign　trade　on　the　value　and　price　of　landed　property；　and　for



the　fluctuations　and　calamities　thence　arising；　it　cares　not　a



straw。　In　short；　this　system　is　the　strictest　and　most　consistent



'mercantile　system；'　and　it　is　incomprehensible　how　that　term　could



have　been　applied　to　the　system　of　Colbert；　the　main　tendency　of



which　is　towards　an　'industrial　system'　…i。e。　a　system　which　has



solely　in　view　the　founding　of　a　national　industry　　a　national



commerce　　without　regarding　the　temporary　gains　or　losses　of



values　in　exchange。



　　　　Notwithstanding；　we　would　by　no　means　deny　the　great　merits　of



Adam　Smith。　He　was　the　first　who　successfully　applied　the



analytical　method　to　political　economy。　By　means　of　that　method　and



an　unusual　degree　of　sagacity；　he　threw　light　on　the　most　important



branches　of　the　science；　which　were　previously　almost　wholly



obscure。　Before　Adam　Smith　only　a　practice　existed；　his　works



rendered　it　possible　to　constitute　a　science　of　political　economy；



and　he　has　contributed　a　greater　amount　of　materials　for　that



object　than　all　his　predecessors　or　successors。



　　　　But　that　very　peculiarity　of　his　mind　by　which；　in　analysing



the　various　constituent　parts　of　political　economy；　he　rendered



such　important　service；　was　the　cause　why　he　did　not　take　a



comprehensive　view　of　the　community　in　its　entirety；　that　he　was



unable　to　combine　individual　interests　in　one　harmonious　whole；



that　he　would　not　consider　the　nation　in　preference　to　mere



individuals；　that　out　of　mere　anxiety　for　the　freedom　of　action　of



the　individual　producers；　he　lost　sight　of　the　interests　of　the



entire　nation。　He　who　so　clearly　perceived　the　benefits　of　the



division　of　labour　in　a　single　manufactory；　did　not　perceive　that



the　same　principle　is　applicable　with　equal　force　to　entire



provinces　and　nations。



　　　　With　this　opinion；　that　which　Dugald　Stewart　says　of　him



exactly　agrees。　Smith　could　judge　individual　traits　of　character



with　extraordinary　acuteness；　but　if　an　opinion　was　needed　as　to



the　entire　character　of　a　man　or　of　a　book；　one　could　not　be



sufficiently　astonished　at　the　narrowness　and　obliquity　of　his



views。　Nay；　he　was　incapable　of　forming　a　correct　estimate　of　the



character　of　those　with　whom　he　had　lived　for　many　years　in　the



most　intimate　friendship。　'The　portrait；'　says　his　biographer；　'was



ever　full　of　life　and　expression；　and　had　a　strong　resemblance　to



the　original　if　one　compared　it　with　the　original　from　a　certain



point　of　view；　but　it　never　gave　a　true　and　perfect　representation



according　to　all　its　dimensions　and　circumstances。'







Chapter　32







The　System　of　Values　of　Exchange　（Continued）　　Jean　Baptiste　Say



and　his　School







　　　　This　author　on　the　whole　has　merely　endeavoured　to　systematise；



to　elucidate；　and　to　popularise；　the　materials　which　Adam　Smith　had



gathered　together　after　an　irregular　fashion。　In　that　he　has



perfectly　succeeded；　inasmuch　as　he　possessed　in　a　high　degree　the



gift　of　systematisation　a