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　　　　　　　　_Monticello；　Aug。　12；　1803_




　　　　　　　　DEAR　SIR；　　The　enclosed　letter；　tho'　directed　to　you；　was

intended　to　me　also；　and　was　left　open　with　a　request；　that　when

perused；　I　would　forward　it　to　you。　　It　gives　me　occasion　to　write　a

word　to　you　on　the　subject　of　Louisiana；　which　being　a　new　one；　an

interchange　of　sentiments　may　produce　correct　ideas　before　we　are　to

act　on　them。




　　　　　　　　Our　information　as　to　the　country　is　very　incompleat；　we　have

taken　measures　to　obtain　it　in　full　as　to　the　settled　part；　which　I

hope　to　receive　in　time　for　Congress。　　The　boundaries；　which　I　deem

not　admitting　question；　are　the　high　lands　on　the　western　side　of　the

Missisipi　enclosing　all　it's　waters；　the　Missouri　of　course；　and

terminating　in　the　line　drawn　from　the　northwestern　point　of　the　Lake

of　the　Woods　to　the　nearest　source　of　the　Missipi；　as　lately　settled

between　Gr　Britain　and　the　U　S。　　We　have　some　claims；　to　extend　on

the　sea　coast　Westwardly　to　the　Rio　Norte　or　Bravo；　and　better；　to　go

Eastwardly　to　the　Rio　Perdido；　between　Mobile　&　Pensacola；　the

antient　boundary　of　Louisiana。　　These　claims　will　be　a　subject　of

negociation　with　Spain；　and　if；　as　soon　as　she　is　at　war；　we　push

them　strongly　with　one　hand；　holding　out　a　price　in　the　other；　we

shall　certainly　obtain　the　Floridas；　and　all　in　good　time。　　In　the

meanwhile；　without　waiting　for　permission；　we　shall　enter　into　the

exercise　of　the　natural　right　we　have　always　insisted　on　with　Spain；

to　wit；　that　of　a　nation　holding　the　upper　part　of　streams；　having　a

right　of　innocent　passage　thro'　them　to　the　ocean。　　We　shall　prepare

her　to　see　us　practise　on　this；　&　she　will　not　oppose　it　by　force。




　　　　　　　　Objections　are　raising　to　the　Eastward　against　the　vast　extent

of　our　boundaries；　and　propositions　are　made　to　exchange　Louisiana；

or　a　part　of　it；　for　the　Floridas。　　But；　as　I　have　said；　we　shall　get

the　Floridas　without；　and　I　would　not　give　one　inch　of　the　waters　of

the　Mississippi　to　any　nation；　because　I　see　in　a　light　very

important　to　our　peace　the　exclusive　right　to　it's　navigation；　&　the

admission　of　no　nation　into　it；　but　as　into　the　Potomak　or　Delaware；

with　our　consent　&　under　our　police。　　These　federalists　see　in　this

acquisition　the　formation　of　a　new　confederacy；　embracing　all　the

waters　of　the　Missipi；　on　both　sides　of　it；　and　a　separation　of　it's

Eastern　waters　from　us。　　These　combinations　depend　on　so　many

circumstances　which　we　cannot　foresee；　that　I　place　little　reliance

on　them。　　We　have　seldom　seen　neighborhood　produce　affection　among

nations。　　The　reverse　is　almost　the　universal　truth。　　Besides；　if　it

should　become　the　great　interest　of　those　nations　to　separate　from

this；　if　their　happiness　should　depend　on　it　so　strongly　as　to　induce

them　to　go　through　that　convulsion；　why　should　the　Atlantic　States

dread　it？　　But　especially　why　should　we；　their　present　inhabitants；

take　side　in　such　a　question？　　When　I　view　the　Atlantic　States；

procuring　for　those　on　the　Eastern　waters　of　the　Missipi　friendly

instead　of　hostile　neighbors　on　it's　Western　waters；　I　do　not　view　it

as　an　Englishman　would　the　procuring　future　blessings　for　the　French

nation；　with　whom　he　has　no　relations　of　blood　or　affection。　　The

future　inhabitants　of　the　Atlantic　&　Missipi　States　will　be　our　sons。

We　leave　them　in　distinct　but　bordering　establishments。　　We　think　we

see　their　happiness　in　their　union；　&　we　wish　it。　　Events　may　prove

it　otherwise；　and　if　they　see　their　interest　in　separation；　why

should　we　take　side　with　our　Atlantic　rather　than　our　Missipi

descendants？　　It　is　the　elder　and　the　younger　son　differing。　　God

bless　them　both；　&　keep　them　in　union；　if　it　be　for　their　good；　but

separate　them；　if　it　be　better。　　The　inhabited　part　of　Louisiana；

from　Point　Coupee　to　the　sea；　will　of　course　be　immediately　a

territorial　government；　and　soon　a　State。　　But　above　that；　the　best

use　we　can　make　of　the　country　for　some　time；　will　be　to　give

establishments　in　it　to　the　Indians　on　the　East　side　of　the　Missipi；

in　exchange　for　their　present　country；　and　open　land　offices　in　the

last；　&　thus　make　this　acquisition　the　means　of　filling　up　the

Eastern　side；　instead　of　drawing　off　it's　population。　　When　we　shall

be　full　on　this　side；　we　may　lay　off　a　range　of　States　on　the　Western

bank　from　the　head　to　the　mouth；　&　so；　range　after　range；　advancing

compactly　as　we　multiply。




　　　　　　　　This　treaty　must　of　course　be　laid　before　both　Houses；　because

both　have　important　functions　to　exercise　respecting　it。　　They；　I

presume；　will　see　their　duty　to　their　country　in　ratifying　&　paying

for　it；　so　as　to　secure　a　good　which　would　otherwise　probably　be

never　again　in　their　power。　　But　I　suppose　they　must　then　appeal　to

_the　nation_　for　an　additional　article　to　the　Constitution；　approving

&　confirming　an　act　which　the　nation　had　not　previously　authorized。

The　constitution　has　made　no　provision　for　our　holding　foreign

territory；　still　less　for　incorporating　foreign　nations　into　our

Union。　　The　Executive　in　seizing　the　fugitive　occurrence　which　so

much　advances　the　good　of　their　country；　have　done　an　act　beyond　the

Constitution。　　The　Legislature　in　casting　behind　them　metaphysical

subtleties；　and　risking　themselves　like　faithful　servants；　must

ratify　&　pay　for　it；　and　throw　themselves　on　their　country　for　doing

for　them　unauthorized　what　we　know　they　would　have　done　for

themselves　had　they　been　in　a　situation　to　do　it。　　It　is　the　case　of

a　guardian；　investing　the　money　of　his　ward　in　purchasing　an

important　adjacent　territory；　&　saying　to　him　when　of　age；　I　did　this

for　your　good；　I　pretend　to　no　right　to　bind　you：　you　may　disavow　me；

and　I　must　get　out　of　the　scrape　as　I　can：　I　thoughtit　my　duty　to

risk　myself　for　you。　　But　we　shall　not　be　disavowed　by　the　nation；

and　their　act　of　indemnity　will　confirm　&　not　weaken　the

Constitution；　by　more　strongly　marking　out　its　lines。




　　　　　　　　We　have　nothing　later　from　Europe　than　the　public　papers　give。

I　hope　yourself　and　all　the　Western　members　will　make　a　sacred　point

of　being　at　the　first　day　of　the　meeting　of　Congress；　for　_vestra　res

agitur。_




　　　　　　　　Accept　my　affectionate　salutations　&　assurances　of　esteem　&

respect。







　　　　　　　　A　CONSTITUTIONAL　AMENDMENT




　　　　　　　　_To　Wilson　Cary　Nicholas_

　　　　　　　　_Monticello；　Sep。　7；　1803_




　　　　　　　　DEAR　SIR；　　Your　favor　of　the　3d　was　delivered　me　at　court；

but　we　were　much　disappointed　at　not　seeing　you　here；　Mr。　Madison　&

the　Gov。　being　here　at　the　time。　　I　enclose　you　a　letter　from　Monroe

on　the　subject　of　the　late　treaty。　　You　will　observe　a　hint　in　it；　to

do　without　delay　what　we　are　bound　to　do。　　There　is　reason；　in　the

opinion　of　our　ministers；　to　believe；　that　if　the　thing　were　to　do

over　again；　it　could　not　be　obtained；　&　that　if　we　give　the　least

opening；　they　will　declare　the　treaty　void。　　A　warning　amounting　to

that　has　been　given　to　them；　&　an　unusual　kind　of　letter　written　by

their　minister　to　our　Secretary　of　State；　direct。　　Whatever　Congress

shall　think　it　necessary　to　do；　should　be　done　with　as　little　debate

as　possible；　&　particularly　so　far　as　respects　the　constitutional

difficulty。　　I　am　aware　of　the　force　of　the　observations　you　make　on

the　power　given　by　the　Constn　to　Congress；　to　admit　new　States　into

the　Union；　without　restraining　the　subject　to　the　territory　then

constituting　the　U　S。　　But　when　I　consider　that　the　limits　of　the　U　S

are　precisely　fixed　by　the　treaty　of　1783；　that　the　Constitution

expressly　declares　itself　to　be　made　for　the　U　S；　I　cannot　help

believing　the　intention　was　to　permit　Congress　to　admit　into　the

Union　new　States；　which　should　be　formed　out　of　the　territory　for

which；　&　under　whose　authority　alone；　they　were　then　acting。　　I　do

not　believe　it　was　meant　that　they　might　receive　England；　Ireland；

Holland；　&c。　into　it；　which　would　be　the　case　on　your　construction。

When　an　instrument　admits　two　constructions；　the　one　safe；　the　other

dangerous；　the　one　precise；　the　other　indefinite；　I　prefer　that　which

is　safe　&　precise。　　I　had　rather　ask　an　enlargement　of　power　from　the

nation；　where　it　is　found　necessary；　than　to　assume　it　by　a

construction　which　would　make　our　powers　boundless。　　Our　peculiar

security　is　in　possession　of　a　written　Constitution。　　Let　us　not　make

it　a　blank　paper　by　construction。　　I　say　the　same　as　to　the　opinion

of　those　who　consider　the　grant　of　the　treaty　making　power　as

boundless。　　If　it　is；　then　we　have　no　Constitution。　　If　it　has

bounds；　they　can　be　no　others　than　the　definitions　of　the　powers

which　that　instrument　gives。　　It　specifies　&　delineates　the

operations　permitted　to　the　federal　government；　and　gives　all　the

powers　necessary　to　carry　these　into　execution。　　Whatever　of　these

enumerated　objects　is　proper　for　a　law；　Congress　may　make　the　law；

whatever　is　proper　to　be　executed　by　way　of　a　treaty；　the　President　&

Senate　may　enter　into　the　treaty；　whatever　is　to　be　done　by　a

judicial　sentence；　the　judges　may　pass　the　sentence。　　Nothing　is　more

likely　than　that　their　enumeration　of　powers　is　defective。　　This　is

the　ordinary　case　of　all　human　works。　　Let　us　go　on　then　perfecting

it；　by　adding；　by　way　of　amendment　to　the　Constitution；　those　powers

which　time　&　trial　show　are　still　wanting。　　But　it　has　been　taken　too

much　for　granted；　that　by　this　rigorous　construction　the　treaty　power

would　be　reduced　to　nothing。　　I　had　occasion　once　to　examine　its

effect　on　the　French　treaty；　made　by　the　old　Congress；　&　found　that

out　of　thirty　odd　articles　which　that　contained；　there　were　one；　two；

or　three　only　which　could　not　now　be　stipulated　under　our　present

Constitution。　　I　confess；　then；　I　think　it　important；　in　the　present

case；　to　set　an　example　against　broad　construction；　by　appealing　for

new　power　to　the　people。　　If；　however；　our　friends　shall　think

differently；　certainly　I　shall　acquiesce　w