lecture vi-第3部分

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when　Russia　began　to　be　considered　as　the　granary　of　Europe；　on
account　of　the　vast　exports　of　wheat　from　her　ports；　rent　rapidly
rose；　and　this　rise　produced　a　complete　change　in　the　relative
value　of　servile　work　and　the　land　which　was　in　the　possession　of
the　peasant。
　　　　The　question　put　by　the　Society　of　Political　Economists　could
not；　therefore；　possibly　have　received　any　other　answer　than　that
given　to　it　by　the　majority　of　the　authors　who　sent　in　papers　to
the　Society。　Serfdom　was　rapidly　becoming　a　burden　on　the
manorial　lords　themselves；　as　many　of　them　began　to　be　conscious。
The　barons　of　the　Baltic　shore　were　the　first　to　understand　the
advantage　which　the　liberation　of　the　serf；　followed　by　a
resumption　of　the　ground　he　owned；　would　have　on　their　class
interests。　The　nobility　of　Toula　and　Riasan；　as　well　as　that　of
Dinabourg；　Petersburg；　and　Czarskoie　Selo；　seemed　also　to　become
conscious　of　this　fact；　for　they　petitioned　the　Emperor　Nicholas
to　establish　local　committees　who　might　prepare　the　outlines　of　a
new　emancipation　act。　Among　the　nobles　immediately　surrounding
the　Czar；　Prince　Mentchikov　expressed　his　opinion　of　the
desirability　and　advantage　of　freeing　the　peasant　and　at　the　same
time　of　enriching　the　landlord　by　leaving　in　his　hands　all　those
shares　in　the　common　ground　which　had　been　held　by　the　peasants。
The　interests　of　the　nobility　certainly　required　the
establishment　of　a　class　similar　to　that　of　the　English
labourers；　but　the　peasants　were　naturally　averse　to　any　change
which　would　lessen　their　hold　on　the　soil。　In　1812　a　peasant
rising　took　place　in　the　Government　of　Pensa；　the　revolted　serfs
expressing　their　wants　by　the　old　motto　〃liberty　and　Land。〃　In
1826　again　the　same　motto　was　the　watchword　of　another　rising；
this　time　provoked　by　a　rumour　that　land　and　liberty　would
shortly　be　secured　to　the　serfs。
　　　　Under　the　influence　of　this　clear　expression　of　the　people's
wants；　the　Government　of　Nicholas　abandoned　all　idea　of
emancipation　which　was　not　to　be　followed　by　the　endowment　of　the
peasant　with　land。　Not　daring；　as　he　openly　acknowledged　to　lay
hands　on　the　sacred　rights　of　private　property　by　liberating　the
serfs　and　making　them　free　owners　of　the　soil；　Nicholas　proposed
to　alter　the　existing　condition　of　the　serf　by　making　him　a　sort
of　copyholder　or　perpetual　tenant　of　small　parcels　of　manorial
ground；　on　condition　of　the　payment　of　perpetual　rent。　In　the
Polish　provinces；　such　copyhold　tenures；　very　like　the　French
censives；　were　already　in　existence。　The　Government；　therefore；
only　extended　a　system　which　already　existed　when；　in　1842；　they
ordered　the　preparation　in　each　manor　of　a　sort　of　registry；
called　〃inventory；〃　in　which　the　amount　of　payments　in　kind　and
money；　made　by　the　serfs　to　the　landlord；　were　to　be　inscribed；
in　order　that　in　future　no　other　levies　might　be　made。
　　　　Neither　of　these　two　schemes　for　amending　the　untenable
position　of　the　serf　was　good　enough　to　obtain　the　approbation　of
those　to　whom；　at　this　time；　actually　belonged　the　guidance　of
pubic　opinion。　It　will　be　to　the　eternal　honour　of　the　Russian
press　that　it　constantly　preached　in　favour　of　a　reform　which
would　at　once　liberate　the　serf　and　make　him　legal　owner　of　the
shares　of　manorial　ground　which　were　already　in　his　possession。
Among　the　persons　directly　implicated　in　the　insurrectionary
movement　of　the　24th　of　December　1825；　two；　Pestel　and
Jakoushkine；　had　already　declared　themselves　to　be　supporters　of
such　a　scheme。
　　　　The　diffusion　of　socialist　ideas　greatly　contributed　to
strengthen　among　the　literary　class　the　persuasion　that　it　would
be　impossible　to　liberate　the　serf　otherwise　than　by　endowing　him
with　land。　The　well…known　plot　which　was　organised　by
Petroschevsky；　among　its　other　aims；　had　that　of　allotting
parcels　of　ground　to　the　liberated　serf。　The　great　exile　Herzen；
in　a　Russian　newspaper　then　published　in　London；　openly　expressed
his　opinion　that　the　common　ownership　of　the　land　should　be
retained　in　the　hands　of　the　enfranchised　peasant；　and　among　the
many　schemes　of　emancipation；　which　circulated　in　the　form　of
manuscript　during　the　latter　part　of　Nicholas's　reign；　more　than
one　advocated　the　necessity　of　retaining　the　ancient　ties　which
bound　the　peasant　to　the　soil　by　making　him　the　legal　owner　of
his　share　in　the　open　fields。
　　　　The　〃providential　mission〃　of　the　Czar　Alexander　the　Second
was　therefore　disclosed　in　a　state　of　society　which　was　already
prepared　to　accept　the　general　outlines　of　a　social　reform；　the
end　of　which　would　be　not　only　to　liberate；　but　also　to　enrich；
the　peasant。　As　soon　as　Alexander　ascended　the　throne　rumours
began　to　be　circulated　as　to　the　approaching　abolition　of
serfdom。　The　unexpected　death　of　his　father　placed　him　on　the
throne　at　a　moment　of　great　and　general　depression；　occasioned　by
the　defeat　of　the　Russian　military　forces　under　the　walls　of
Sebastopol。　The　young　Emperor　made　an　eloquent　appeal　to　the
patriotism　of　his　subjects；　inviting　them　to　increase　the　means
of　defence　by　a　voluntary　levy　of　a　kind　of　militia；　known　under
the　name　of　Opolchenie。　This　measure　strengthened　the　belief　in
the　nearness　of　social　and　political　reforms。　The　peasants；
enrolled　in　the　self…raised　regiments　of　the　militia；　began　to
think　that　their　more　or　less　voluntary　sacrifice　of　life　and
fortune　would　he　rewarded　by　a　complete　liberation　from　the
ignominious　bonds　of　personal　servitude。　Crowds　of　serfs　asked　to
be　admitted　into　the　militia；　expecting　to　attain　freedom　in　this
way。
　　　　When　the　Peace　of　Paris　was　signed；　and　the　peasants　of　the
militia　were　ordered　to　return　to　their　daily　tasks；　they　openly
expressed　their　belief　that　the　charters　by　which　the　Emperor　had
liberated　them　from　bondage　were　concealed　by　their　landlords。
These　rumours　produced　great　excitement。　The　years　1854　and　1855
are　notorious　for　a　series　of　local　rebellions。　These
insurrections　took　place　partly　on　the　shores　of　the　Volga；　which
had　already　felt；　in　the　time　of　Catherine　the　Second；　the
horrors　of　a　jacquerie；　partly　in　some　Central　and　South…western
Governments；　such　as　Vladimir；　Riasan；　Tambov；　Pensa；　Voronej；
and　Kiev。　These　revolutionary　movements；　directed　exclusively
against　the　feudal　aristocracy；　produced　a　great　impression　on
the　Czar　Alexander。　Addressing　the　chiefs　of　the　Moscovite
nobility　（the　so…called　marshals）；　the　Czar　showed　his
appreciation　of　the　wants　of　the　time　by　the　following　words：
〃Gentlemen；　you　surely　understand　yourselves　the　impossibility　of
retaining；　without　alteration　and　change；　the　existing　mode　of
owning　souls　＇a　usual　expression；　the　meaning　of　which　is　the
right　to　the　unpaid　work　of　the　serfs＇。　It　is　better　to　abolish
personal　servitude　by　legislative　measures　than　to　see　it
abolished　by　a　movement　from　below。　I　ask　you　to　consider　such
measures　as　might　forward　this　end。〃　These　promising　words；
although　followed　by　a　direct　declaration　that　serfdom　was　not　to
be　abolished　at　once；　strengthened　the　expectations　of　those　who
thought　that　the　new　reign　would　inaugurate　an　era　of　wide　social
and　political　reform。　Although　the　Governor…General　of　Moscow；
Zakrevsky；　did　his　best　to　persuade　the　nobility　that　all
projects　concerning　the　abolition　of　serfdom　were　laid　aside；　it
very　soon　appeared　that　such　was　by　no　means　the　intention　of
the　Czar；　for　during　the　coronation　the　Home　Secretary；　Lanskoy；
by　the　direct　command　of　Alexander；　entered　into　communication
with　those　noblemen　who　were　present　in　Moscow；　in　order　to
ascertain　what　were　their　opinions　as　to　the　best　means　of
bringing　about　an　amelioration　in　the　actual　condition　of　the
serfs。　These　negotiations　left　no　doubt　as　to　the　animosity　with
which　the　nobility　of　Great　Russia　considered　every　plan　tending
to　the　emancipation　of　the　peasant。　This　induced　the　Minister　to
turn　his　eyes　to　those　provinces　in　which　the　idea　of　liberating
the　serfs　had　taken　root　at　the　time　when　personal　servitude　had
been　abolished　by　Napoleon　I　in　the　neighbouring　districts　of
Poland；　particularly　the　Governments　of　Vilna；　Kovno；　and　Grodno。
The　Lithuanian　nobles　were　already　favourable　to　the　idea；　and
were　easily　induced　by　the　Governor　General　Nasimov　to　present　to
the　Czar　an　address　asking　for　the　abolition　of　bondage；　but　at
the　same　time　demanding　exclusive　possession　of　the　land　for　the
nobility。　You　therefore　see　that　the　conditions　on　which　the
Lithuanian　nobles　wanted　to　see　the　enfranchisement　carried　out
were　the　same　as　those　on　which　it　had　been　already　carried　out
in　Poland　and　the　Baltic　provinces。　Seeing　the　difficulty　of
preserving　for　their　own　profit　the　unpaid　services　of　the
peasant；　they　were　anxious　to　secure　to　themselves　the　monopoly
of　the　soil。　The　serf　was　to　be　allowed　to　become　a　free　person
only　on　condition　of　remaining　a　proletarian；　living　exclusively
on　the　wages　he　earned。　Carried　out　on　such　conditions；　the
emancipation　would　hardly　have　met　with　the　approval　of　those　who
were　most　directly　concerned。　As　far　back　as　the　reign　of　the
Empress　Catherine　the　peasant　had　plainly　declared　that　he　wanted
not　only　liberty；　but　land。　He　was　mindful　of　his　ancient　state；
previous　to　that　of　bondage；　which；　as　we　have　already　shown；　was
the　state　of　an　owner　in　common　of　the　ground　he　made　fruitful　by
his　work。　No　power　on　earth　would　have　been　strong　enough　to
break　the　ties；　centuries　old；　which　united　him　to　the　soil。　It
was　no　doubt　in　the　interests　of　the　nobility　to　see　these　ties
broken；　for　who　could　be　the　gainers　in　a　scheme　which　promised
enhancement　of　the　mercantile　value　of　the　soil　and　cheap　labour；
if　not　those　who　had　secured　to　themselves　the　monopoly　of　the
property　in　land？　What；　on　the　other　hand；　was　the　liberated
proletarian　to　become　if　not　a　labourer；　given　up　to　eternal　toil
on　the　estates　of　a　land…monopolising　nobility；　and　bound　to
receive　from　their　hands　those　bare　wages　which　would　cover　the
expense　of　his　existence？　The　Emperor　and　some　persons　in　his
confidence；　were　conscious　of　the　social　evils　which　the
execution　of　such　a　plan　would　produce。　It　will　be　to　the　eternal
glory　of　Alex