part15-第1部分

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　　　　　　　　A　LAW　BEYOND　THE　CONSTITUTION




　　　　　　　　_To　John　B。　Colvin_

　　　　　　　　_Monticello；　September　20；　1810_




　　　　　　　　SIR；　　Your　favor　of　the　14th　has　been　duly　received；　and　I

have　to　thank　you　for　the　many　obliging　things　respecting　myself

which　are　said　in　it。　　If　I　have　left　in　the　breasts　of　my　fellow

citizens　a　sentiment　of　satisfaction　with　my　conduct　in　the

transaction　of　their　business；　it　will　soften　the　pillow　of　my　repose

through　the　residue　of　life。




　　　　　　　　The　question　you　propose；　whether　circumstances　do　not

sometimes　occur；　which　make　it　a　duty　in　officers　of　high　trust；　to

assume　authorities　beyond　the　law；　is　easy　of　solution　in　principle；

but　sometimes　embarrassing　in　practice。　　A　strict　observance　of　the

written　laws　is　doubtless　_one_　of　the　high　duties　of　a　good　citizen；

but　it　is　not　_the　highest_。　　The　laws　of　necessity；　of

self…preservation；　of　saving　our　country　when　in　danger；　are　of

higher　obligation。　　To　lose　our　country　by　a　scrupulous　adherence　to

written　law；　would　be　to　lose　the　law　itself；　with　life；　liberty；

property　and　all　those　who　are　enjoying　them　with　us；　thus　absurdly

sacrificing　the　end　to　the　means。　　When；　in　the　battle　of　Germantown；

General　Washington's　army　was　annoyed　from　Chew's　house；　he　did　not

hesitate　to　plant　his　cannon　against　it；　although　the　property　of　a

citizen。　　When　he　besieged　Yorktown；　he　leveled　the　suburbs；　feeling

that　the　laws　of　property　must　be　postponed　to　the　safety　of　the

nation。　　While　the　army　was　before　York；　the　Governor　of　Virginia

took　horses；　carriages；　provisions　and　even　men　by　force；　to　enable

that　army　to　stay　together　till　it　could　master　the　public　enemy；　and

he　was　justified。　　A　ship　at　sea　in　distress　for　provisions；　meets

another　having　abundance；　yet　refusing　a　supply；　the　law　of

self…preservation　authorizes　the　distressed　to　take　a　supply　by

force。　　In　all　these　cases；　the　unwritten　laws　of　necessity；　of

self…preservation；　and　of　the　public　safety；　control　the　written　laws

of　_meum_　and　_tuum_。　　Further　to　exemplify　the　principle；　I　will

state　an　hypothetical　case。　　Suppose　it　had　been　made　known　to　the

Executive　of　the　Union　in　the　autumn　of　1805；　that　we　might　have　the

Floridas　for　a　reasonable　sum；　that　that　sum　had　not　indeed　been　so

appropriated　by　law；　but　that　Congress　were　to　meet　within　three

weeks；　and　might　appropriate　it　on　the　first　or　second　day　of　their

session。　　Ought　he；　for　so　great　an　advantage　to　his　country；　to　have

risked　himself　by　transcending　the　law　and　making　the　purchase？　The

public　advantage　offered；　in　this　supposed　case；　was　indeed　immense；

but　a　reverence　for　law；　and　the　probability　that　the　advantage　might

still　be　_legally_　accomplished　by　a　delay　of　only　three　weeks；　were

powerful　reasons　against　hazarding　the　act。　　But　suppose　it　foreseen

that　a　John　Randolph　would　find　means　to　protract　the　proceeding　on

it　by　Congress；　until　the　ensuing　spring；　by　which　time　new

circumstances　would　change　the　mind　of　the　other　party。　　Ought　the

Executive；　in　that　case；　and　with　that　foreknowledge；　to　have　secured

the　good　to　his　country；　and　to　have　trusted　to　their　justice　for　the

transgression　of　the　law？　I　think　he　ought；　and　that　the　act　would

have　been　approved。　　After　the　affair　of　the　Chesapeake；　we　thought

war　a　very　possible　result。　　Our　magazineswere　illy　provided　with

some　necessary　articles；　nor　had　any　appropriations　been　made　for

their　purchase。　　We　ventured；　however；　to　provide　them；　and　to　place

our　country　in　safety；　and　stating　the　case　to　Congress；　they

sanctioned　the　act。




　　　　　　　　To　proceed　to　the　conspiracy　of　Burr；　and　particularly　to

General　Wilkinson's　situation　in　New　Orleans。　　In　judging　this　case；

we　are　bound　to　consider　the　state　of　the　information；　correct　and

incorrect；　which　he　then　possessed。　　He　expected　Burr　and　his　band

from　above；　a　British　fleet　from　below；　and　he　knew　there　was　a

formidable　conspiracy　within　the　city。Under　these　circumstances；　was

he　justifiable；　1st；　in　seizing　notorious　conspirators？　On　this　there

can　be　but　two　opinions；　one；　of　the　guilty　and　their　accomplices；

the　other；　that　of　all　honest　men。　　2d。　In　sending　them　to　the　seat

of　government；　when　the　written　law　gave　them　a　right　to　trial　in　the

territory？　The　danger　of　their　rescue；　of　their　continuing　their

machinations；　the　tardiness　and　weakness　of　the　law；　apathy　of　the

judges；　active　patronage　of　the　whole　tribe　of　lawyers；　unknown

disposition　of　the　juries；　an　hourly　expectation　of　the　enemy；

salvation　of　the　city；　and　of　the　Union　itself；　which　would　have　been

convulsed　to　its　centre；　had　that　conspiracy　succeeded；　all　these

constituted　a　law　of　necessity　and　self…preservation；　and　rendered

the　_salus　populi_　supreme　over　the　written　law。　　The　officer　who　is

called　to　act　on　this　superior　ground；　does　indeed　risk　himself　on

the　justice　of　the　controlling　powers　of　the　constitution；　and　his

station　makes　it　his　duty　to　incur　that　risk。　　But　those　controlling

powers；　and　his　fellow　citizens　generally；　are　bound　to　judge

according　to　the　circumstances　under　which　he　acted。　　They　are　not　to

transfer　the　information　of　this　place　or　moment　to　the　time　and

place　of　his　action；　but　to　put　themselves　into　his　situation。　　We

knew　here　that　there　never　was　danger　of　a　British　fleet　from　below；

and　that　Burr's　band　was　crushed　before　it　reached　the　Mississippi。

But　General　Wilkinson's　information　was　very　different；　and　he　could

act　on　no　other。




　　　　　　　　From　these　examples　and　principles　you　may　see　what　I　think　on

the　question　proposed。　　They　do　not　go　to　the　case　of　persons　charged

with　petty　duties；　where　consequences　are　trifling；　and　time　allowed

for　a　legal　course；　nor　to　authorize　them　to　take　such　cases　out　of

the　written　law。　　In　these；　the　example　of　overleaping　the　law　is　of

greater　evil　than　a　strict　adherence　to　its　imperfect　provisions。　　It

is　incumbent　on　those　only　who　accept　of　great　charges；　to　risk

themselves　on　great　occasions；　when　the　safety　of　the　nation；　or　some

of　its　very　high　interests　are　at　stake。　　An　officer　is　bound　to　obey

orders；　yet　he　would　be　a　bad　one　who　should　do　it　in　cases　for　which

they　were　not　intended；　and　which　involved　the　most　important

consequences。　　The　line　of　discrimination　between　cases　may　be

difficult；　but　the　good　officer　is　bound　to　draw　it　at　his　own　peril；

and　throw　himself　on　the　justice　of　his　country　and　the　rectitude　of

his　motives。




　　　　　　　　I　have　indulged　freer　views　on　this　question；　on　your

assurances　that　they　are　for　your　own　eye　only；　and　that　they　will

not　get　into　the　hands　of　newswriters。　　I　met　their　scurrilities

without　concern；　while　in　pursuit　of　the　great　interests　with　which　I

was　charged。　　But　in　my　present　retirement；　no　duty　forbids　my　wish

for　quiet。




　　　　　　　　Accept　the　assurances　of　my　esteem　and　respect。







　　　　　　　　RELATIONS　WITH　ADAMS




　　　　　　　　_To　Dr。　Benjamin　Rush_

　　　　　　　　_Monticello；　January　16；　1811_




　　　　　　　　DEAR　SIR；　　I　had　been　considering　for　some　days；　whether　it

was　not　time　by　a　letter；　to　bring　myself　to　your　recollection；　when

I　received　your　welcome　favor　of　the　2d　instant。　　I　had　before　heard

of　the　heart…rending　calamity　you　mention；　and　had　sincerely

sympathized　with　your　afflictions。　　But　I　had　not　made　it　the　subject

of　a　letter；　because　I　knew　that　condolences　were　but　renewals　of

grief。　　Yet　I　thought；　and　still　think；　this　is　one　of　the　cases

wherein　we　should　〃not　sorrow；　even　as　others　who　have　no　hope。〃　I

have　myself　known　so　many　cases　of　recovery　from　confirmed　insanity；

as　to　reckon　it　ever　among　the　recoverable　diseases。　　One　of　them　was

that　of　a　near　relative　and　namesake　of　mine；　who；　after　many　years

of　madness　of　the　first　degree；　became　entirely　sane；　and　amused

himself　to　a　good　old　age　in　keeping　school；　was　an　excellent　teacher

and　much　valued　citizen。




　　　　　　　　You　ask　if　I　have　read　Hartley？　　I　have　not。　　My　present　course

of　life　admits　less　reading　than　I　wish。　　From　breakfast；　or　noon　at

latest；　to　dinner；　I　am　mostly　on　horseback；　attending　to　my　farm　or

other　concerns；　which　I　find　healthful　to　my　body；　mind　and　affairs；

and　the　few　hours　I　can　pass　in　my　cabinet；　are　devoured　by

correspondences；　not　those　with　my　intimate　friends；　with　whom　I

delight　to　interchange　sentiments；　but　with　others；　who；　writing　to

me　on　concerns　of　their　own　in　which　I　have　had　an　agency；　or　from

motives　of　mere　respect　and　approbation；　are　entitled　to　be　answered

with　respect　and　a　return　of　good　will。　　My　hope　is　that　this

obstacle　to　the　delights　of　retirement；　will　wear　away　with　the

oblivion　which　follows　that；　and　that　I　may　at　length　be　indulged　in

those　studious　pursuits；　from　which　nothing　but　revolutionary　duties

would　ever　have　called　me。




　　　　　　　　I　shall　receive　your　proposed　publication　and　read　it　with　the

pleasure　which　everything　gives　me　from　your　pen。　　Although　much　of　a

sceptic　in　the　practice　of　medicine；　I　read　with　pleasure　its

ingenious　theories。




　　　　　　　　I　receive　with　sensibility　your　observations　on　the

discontinuance　of　friendly　correspondence　between　Mr。　Adams　and

myself；　and　the　concern　you　take　in　its　restoration。　　This

discontinuance　has　not　proceeded　from　me；　nor　from　the　want　of

sincere　desire　and　of　effort　on　my　part；　to　renew　our　intercourse。

You　know　the　perfect　coincidence　of　principle　and　of　action；　in　the

early　part　of　the　Revolution；　which　produced　a　high　degree　of　mutual

respect　and　esteem　between　Mr。　Adams　and　myself。　　Certainly　no　man

was　ever　truer　than　he　was；　in　that　day；　to　those　principles　of

rational　republicanism　which；　after　the　necessity　of　throwing　off　our

monarchy；　dictated　all　our　efforts　in　the　establishment　of　a　new

government。　　And　although　he　swerved；　afterwards；　towards　the

principles　of　the　English　constitution；　our　friendshi