part19-第9部分

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render　you　also　for　this　mark　of　attention。　　I　shall　read　it；　I　know；

with　edification；　as　I　did　his　Inquiry；　to　which　I　acknowledge　myself

indebted　for　many　valuable　ideas；　and　for　the　correction　of　some

errors　of　early　opinion；　never　seen　in　a　correct　light　until

presented　to　me　in　that　work。　　That　the　present　volume　is　equally

orthodox；　I　know　before　reading　it；　because　I　know　that　Colonel

Taylor　and　myself　have　rarely；　if　ever；　differed　in　any　political

principle　of　importance。　　Every　act　of　his　life；　and　every　word　he

ever　wrote；　satisfies　me　of　this。　　So；　also；　as　to　the　two

Presidents；　late　and　now　in　office；　I　know　them　both　to　be　of

principles　as　truly　republican　as　any　men　living。　　If　there　be

anything　amiss；　therefore；　in　the　present　state　of　our　affairs；　as

the　formidable　deficit　lately　unfolded　to　us　indicates；　I　ascribe　it

to　the　inattention　of　Congress　to　their　duties；　to　their　unwise

dissipation　and　waste　of　the　public　contributions。　　They　seemed；　some

little　while　ago；　to　be　at　a　loss　for　objects　whereon　to　throw　away

the　supposed　fathomless　funds　of　the　treasury。　　I　had　feared　the

result；　because　I　saw　among　them　some　of　my　old　fellow　laborers；　of

tried　and　known　principles；　yet　often　in　their　minorities。　　I　am

aware　that　in　one　of　their　most　ruinous　vagaries；　the　people　were

themselves　betrayed　into　the　same　phrenzy　with　their　Representatives。

The　deficit　produced；　and　a　heavy　tax　to　supply　it；　will；　I　trust；

bring　both　to　their　sober　senses。




　　　　　　　　But　it　is　not　from　this　branch　of　government　we　have　most　to

fear。　　Taxes　and　short　elections　will　keep　them　right。　　The　judiciary

of　the　United　States　is　the　subtle　corps　of　sappers　and　miners

constantly　working　under　ground　to　undermine　the　foundations　of　our

confederated　fabric。　　They　are　construing　our　constitution　from　a

co…ordination　of　a　general　and　special　government　to　a　general　and

supreme　one　alone。　　This　will　lay　all　things　at　their　feet；　and　they

are　too　well　versed　in　English　law　to　forget　the　maxim；　_〃boni

judicis　est　ampliare　juris…dictionem。〃_　We　shall　see　if　they　are　bold

enough　to　take　the　daring　stride　their　five　lawyers　have　lately

taken。　　If　they　do；　then；　with　the　editor　of　our　book；　in　his　address

to　the　public；　I　will　say；　that　〃against　this　every　man　should　raise

his　voice；〃　and　more；　should　uplift　his　arm。　　Who　wrote　this

admirable　address？　　Sound；　luminous；　strong；　not　a　word　too　much；　nor

one　which　can　be　changed　but　for　the　worse。　　That　pen　should　go　on；

lay　bare　these　wounds　of　our　constitution；　expose　the　decisions

_seriatim_；　and　arouse；　as　it　is　able；　the　attention　of　the　nation　to

these　bold　speculators　on　its　patience。　　Having　found；　from

experience；　that　impeachment　is　an　impracticable　thing；　a　mere

scare…crow；　they　consider　themselves　secure　for　life；　they　sculk　from

responsibility　to　public　opinion；　the　only　remaining　hold　on　them；

under　a　practice　first　introduced　into　England　by　Lord　Mansfield。　　An

opinion　is　huddled　up　in　conclave；　perhaps　by　a　majority　of　one；

delivered　as　if　unanimous；　and　with　the　silent　acquiescence　of　lazy

or　timid　associates；　by　a　crafty　chief　judge；　who　sophisticates　the

law　to　his　mind；　by　the　turn　of　his　own　reasoning。　　A　judiciary　law

was　once　reported　by　the　Attorney　General　to　Congress；　requiring　each

judge　to　deliver　his　opinion　_seriatim_　and　openly；　and　then　to　give

it　in　writing　to　the　clerk　to　be　entered　in　the　record。　　A　judiciary

independent　of　a　king　or　executive　alone；　is　a　good　thing；　but

independence　of　the　will　of　the　nation　is　a　solecism；　at　least　in　a

republican　government。




　　　　　　　　But　to　return　to　your　letter；　you　ask　for　my　opinion　of　the

work　you　send　me；　and　to　let　it　go　out　to　the　public。　　This　I　have

ever　made　a　point　of　declining；　（one　or　two　instances　only　excepted。）

Complimentary　thanks　to　writers　who　have　sent　me　their　works；　have

betrayed　me　sometimes　before　the　public；　without　my　consent　having

been　asked。　　But　I　am　far　from　presuming　to　direct　the　reading　of　my

fellow　citizens；　who　are　good　enough　judges　themselves　of　what　is

worthy　their　reading。　　I　am；　also；　too　desirous　of　quiet　to　place

myself　in　the　way　of　contention。　　Against　this　I　am　admonished　by

bodily　decay；　which　cannot　be　unaccompanied　by　corresponding　wane　of

the　mind。　　Of　this　I　am　as　yet　sensible；　sufficiently　to　be　unwilling

to　trust　myself　before　the　public；　and　when　I　cease　to　be　so；　I　hope

that　my　friends　will　be　too　careful　of　me　to　draw　me　forth　and

present　me；　like　a　Priam　in　armor；　as　a　spectacle　for　public

compassion。　　I　hope　our　political　bark　will　ride　through　all　its

dangers；　but　I　can　in　future　be　but　an　inert　passenger。




　　　　　　　　I　salute　you　with　sentiments　of　great　friendship　and　respect。







　　　　　　　　THE　MISSOURI　QUESTION




　　　　　　　　_To　Albert　Gallatin_

　　　　　　　　_Monticello；　Dec。　26；　1820_




　　　　　　　　DEAR　SIR；　　‘It　is　said　to　be　an　ill　wind　which　blows

favorably　to　no　one。'　My　ill　health　has　long　suspended　the　too

frequent　troubles　I　have　heretofore　given　you　with　my　European

correspondence。　　To　this　is　added　a　stiffening　wrist；　the　effect　of

age　on　an　antient　dislocation；　which　renders　writing　slow　and

painful；　and　disables　me　nearly　from　all　correspondence；　and　may　very

possibly　make　this　the　last　trouble　I　shall　give　you　in　that　way。




　　　　　　　　Looking　from　our　quarter　of　the　world　over　the　horizon　of　yours

we　imagine　we　see　storms　gathering　which　may　again　desolate　the　face

of　that　country。　　So　many　revolutions　going　on；　in　different

countries　at　the　same　time；　such　combinations　of　tyranny；　and

military　preparations　and　movements　to　suppress　them。　　England　&

France　unsafe　from　internal　conflict；　Germany；　on　the　first　favorable

occasion；　ripe　for　insurrection；　such　a　state　of　things；　we　suppose；

must　end　in　war；　which　needs　a　kindling　spark　in　one　spot　only　to

spread　over　the　whole。　　Your　information　can　correct　these　views

which　are　stated　only　to　inform　you　of　impressions　here。




　　　　　　　　At　home　things　are　not　well。　　The　flood　of　paper　money；　as　you

well　know；　had　produced　an　exaggeration　of　nominal　prices　and　at　the

same　time　a　facility　of　obtaining　money；　which　not　only　encouraged

speculations　on　fictitious　capital；　but　seduced　those　of　real

capital；　even　in　private　life；　to　contract　debts　too　freely。　　Had

things　continued　in　the　same　course；　these　might　have　been

manageable。　　But　the　operations　of　the　U。S。　bank　for　the　demolition

of　the　state　banks；　obliged　these　suddenly　to　call　in　more　than　half

of　their　paper；　crushed　all　fictitious　and　doubtful　capital；　and

reduced　the　prices　of　property　and　produce　suddenly　to　1/3　of　what

they　had　been。　　Wheat；　for　example；　at　the　distance　of　two　or　three

days　from　market；　fell　to　and　continues　at　from　one　third　to　half　a

dollar。　　Should　it　be　stationary　at　this　for　a　while；　a　very　general

revolution　of　property　must　take　place。　　Something　of　the　same

character　has　taken　place　in　our　fiscal　system。　　A　little　while　back

Congress　seemed　at　a　loss　for　objects　whereon　to　squander　the

supposed　fathomless　funds　of　our　treasury。　　This　short　frenzy　has

been　arrested　by　a　deficit　of　5　millions　the　last　year；　and　of　7。

millions　this　year。　　A　loan　was　adopted　for　the　former　and　is

proposed　for　the　latter；　which　threatens　to　saddle　us　with　a

perpetual　debt。　　I　hope　a　tax　will　be　preferred；　because　it　will

awaken　the　attention　of　the　people；　and　make　reformation　&　economy

the　principles　of　the　next　election。　　The　frequent　recurrence　of　this

chastening　operation　can　alone　restrain　the　propensity　of　governments

to　enlarge　expence　beyond　income。　　The　steady　tenor　of　the　courts　of

the　US。　to　break　down　the　constitutional　barrier　between　the

coordinate　powers　of　the　States；　and　of　the　Union；　and　a　formal

opinion　lately　given　by　5。　lawyers　of　too　much　eminence　to　be

neglected；　give　uneasiness。　　But　nothing　has　ever　presented　so

threatening　an　aspect　as　what　is　called　the　Missouri　question。　　The

Federalists　compleatly　put　down；　and　despairing　of　ever　rising　again

under　the　old　division　of　whig　and　tory；　devised　a　new　one；　of

slave…holding；　&　non…slave…holding　states；　which；　while　it　had　a

semblance　of　being　Moral；　was　at　the　same　time　Geographical；　and

calculated　to　give　them　ascendancy　by　debauching　their　old　opponents

to　a　coalition　with　them。　　Moral　the　question　certainly　is　not；

because　the　removal　of　slaves　from　one　state　to　another；　no　more　than

their　removal　from　one　country　to　another；　would　never　make　a　slave

of　one　human　being　who　would　not　be　so　without　it。　　Indeed　if　there

were　any　morality　in　the　question　it　is　on　the　other　side；　because　by

spreading　them　over　a　larger　surface；　their　happiness　would　be

increased；　&　the　burthen　of　their　future　liberation　lightened　by

bringing　a　greater　number　of　shoulders　under　it。　　However　it　served

to　throw　dust　into　the　eyes　of　the　people　and　to　fanaticise　them；

while　to　the　knowing　ones　it　gave　a　geographical　and　preponderant

line　of　the　Patomac　and　Ohio；　throwing　12。　States　to　the　North　and

East；　&　10。　to　the　South　&　West。　　With　these　therefore　it　is　merely　a

question　of　power：　but　with　this　geographical　minority　it　is　a

question　of　existence。　　For　if　Congress　once　goes　out　of　the

Constitution　to　arrogate　a　right　of　regulating　the　conditions　of　the

inhabitants　of　the　States；　its　majority　may；　and　probably　will　next

declare　that　the　condition　of　all　men　within　the　US。　shall　be　that　of

freedom；　in　which　case　all　the　whites　South　of　the　Patomak　and　Ohio

must　evacuate　their　States；　and　most　fortunate　those　who　can　do　it

first。　　And　so　far　this　crisis　seems　to　be　advancing。　　The　Missouri

constitution　is　recently　rejected　by　the　House　of　Representatives。

What　will　be　their　next　step　is　yet　to　be　seen。　　If　accepted　on　the

condition　that　Missouri　shall　expunge　from　it　the　prohibition　of　free

people　of　colour　from　emigration　to　their　state；　it　will　be　ex