part17-第9部分

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to　you　as　soon　as　completed。　　Any　agreement　you　shall　be　so　good　as

to　take　the　trouble　of　entering　into　with　the　committee；　I　hereby

confirm。　　Accept　the　assurance　of　my　great　esteem　and　respect。







　　　　　　　　A　JUST　BUT　SAD　WAR




　　　　　　　　_To　William　Short_

　　　　　　　　_Monticello；　November　28；　1814_




　　　　　　　　DEAR　SIR；　　Yours　of　October　28th　came　to　hand　on　the　15th

instant　only。　　The　settlement　of　your　boundary　with　Colonel　Monroe；

is　protracted　by　circumstances　which　seem　foreign　to　it。　　One　would

hardly　have　expected　that　the　hostile　expedition　to　Washington　could

have　had　any　connection　with　an　operation　one　hundred　miles　distant。

Yet　preventing　his　attendance；　nothing　could　be　done。　　I　am　satisfied

there　is　no　unwillingness　on　his　part；　but　on　the　contrary　a　desire

to　have　it　settled；　and　therefore；　if　he　should　think　it

indispensable　to　be　present　at　the　investigation；　as　is　possible；　the

very　first　time　he　comes　here　I　will　press　him　to　give　a　day　to　the

decision；　without　regarding　Mr。　Carter's　absence。　　Such　an　occasion

must　certainly　offer　soon　after　the　fourth　of　March；　when　Congress

rises　of　necessity；　and　be　assured　I　will　not　lose　one　possible

moment　in　effecting　it。




　　　　　　　　Although　withdrawn　from　all　anxious　attention　to　political

concerns；　yet　I　will　state　my　impressions　as　to　the　present　war；

because　your　letter　leads　to　the　subject。　　The　essential　grounds　of

the　war　were；　1st；　the　orders　of　council；　and　2d；　the　impressment　of

our　citizens；　（for　I　put　out　of　sight　from　the　love　of　peace　the

multiplied　insults　on　our　government　and　aggressions　on　our　commerce；

with　which　our　pouch；　like　the　Indian's；　had　long　been　filled　to　the

mouth。）　What　immediately　produced　the　declaration　was；　1st；　the

proclamation　of　the　Prince　Regent　that　he　would　never　repeal　the

orders　of　council　as　to　us；　until　Bonaparte　should　have　revoked　his

decrees　as　to　all　other　nations　as　well　as　ours；　and　2d；　the

declaration　of　his　minister　to　ours　that　no　arrangement　whatever

could　be　devised　admissible　in　lieu　of　impressment。　　It　was　certainly

a　misfortune　that　_they_　did　not　know　themselves　at　the　date　of　this

silly　and　insolent　proclamation；　that　within　one　month　they　would

repeal　the　orders；　and　that　_we_；　at　the　date　of　our　declaration；

could　not　know　of　the　repeal　which　was　then　going　on　one　thousand

leagues　distant。　　Their　determinations；　as　declared　by　themselves；

could　alone　guide　us；　and　they　shut　the　door　on　all　further

negotiation；　throwing　down　to　us　the　gauntlet　of　war　or　submission　as

the　only　alternatives。　　We　cannot　blame　the　government　for　choosing

that　of　war；　because　certainly　the　great　majority　of　the　nation

thought　it　ought　to　be　chosen；　not　that　they　were　to　gain　by　it　in

dollars　and　cents；　all　men　know　that　war　is　a　losing　game　to　both

parties。　　But　they　know　also　that　if　they　do　not　resist　encroachment

at　some　point；　all　will　be　taken　from　them；　and　that　more　would　then

be　lost　even　in　dollars　and　cents　by　submission　than　resistance。　　It

is　the　case　of　giving　a　part　to　save　the　whole；　a　limb　to　save　life。

It　is　the　melancholy　law　of　human　societies　to　be　compelled　sometimes

to　choose　a　great　evil　in　order　to　ward　off　a　greater；　to　deter　their

neighbors　from　rapine　by　making　it　cost　them　more　than　honest　gains。

The　enemy　are　accordingly　now　disgorging　what　they　had　so　ravenously

swallowed。　　The　orders　of　council　had　taken　from　us　near　one　thousand

vessels。　　Our　list　of　captures　from　them　is　now　one　thousand　three

hundred；　and；　just　become　sensible　that　it　is　small　and　not　large

ships　which　gall　them　most；　we　shall　probably　add　one　thousand　prizes

a　year　to　their　past　losses。　　Again；　supposing　that；　according　to　the

confession　of　their　own　minister　in　parliament；　the　Americans　they

had　impressed　were　something　short　of　two　thousand；　the　war　against

us　alone　cannot　cost　them　less　than　twenty　millions　of　dollars　a

year；　so　that　each　American　impressed　has　already　cost　them　ten

thousand　dollars；　and　every　year　will　add　five　thousand　dollars　more

to　his　price。　　We；　I　suppose；　expend　more；　but　had　we　adopted　the

other　alternative　of　submission；　no　mortal　can　tell　what　the　cost

would　have　been。　　I　consider　the　war　then　as　entirely　justifiable　on

our　part；　although　I　am　still　sensible　it　is　a　deplorable　misfortune

to　us。　　It　has　arrested　the　course　of　the　most　remarkable　tide　of

prosperity　any　nation　ever　experienced；　and　has　closed　such　prospects

of　future　improvement　as　were　never　before　in　the　view　of　any　people。

Farewell　all　hopes　of　extinguishing　public　debt！　farewell　all　visions

of　applying　surpluses　of　revenue　to　the　improvements　of　peace　rather

than　the　ravages　of　war。　　Our　enemy　has　indeed　the　consolation　of

Satan　on　removing　our　first　parents　from　Paradise：　from　a　peaceable

and　agricultural　nation；　he　makes　us　a　military　and　manufacturing

one。　　We　shall　indeed　survive　the　conflict。　　Breeders　enough　will

remain　to　carry　on　population。　　We　shall　retain　our　country；　and

rapid　advances　in　the　art　of　war　will　soon　enable　us　to　beat　our

enemy；　and　probably　drive　him　from　the　continent。　　We　have　men

enough；　and　I　am　in　hopes　the　present　session　of　Congress　will

provide　the　means　of　commanding　their　services。　　But　I　wish　I　could

see　them　get　into　a　better　train　of　finance。　　Their　banking　projects

are　like　dosing　dropsy　with　more　water。　　If　anything　could　revolt　our

citizens　against　the　war；　it　would　be　the　extravagance　with　which

they　are　about　to　be　taxed。　　It　is　strange　indeed　that　at　this　day；

and　in　a　country　where　English　proceedings　are　so　familiar；　the

principles　and　advantages　of　funding　should　be　neglected；　and

expedients　resorted　to。　　Their　new　bank；　if　not　abortive　at　its

birth；　will　not　last　through　one　campaign；　and　the　taxes　proposed

cannot　be　paid。　　How　can　a　people　who　cannot　get　fifty　cents　a　bushel

for　their　wheat；　while　they　pay　twelve　dollars　a　bushel　for　their

salt；　pay　five　times　the　amount　of　taxes　they　ever　paid　before？　　Yet

that　will　be　the　case　in　all　the　States　south　of　the　Potomac。　　Our

resources　are　competent　to　the　maintenance　of　the　war　if　duly

economized　and　skillfuly　employed　in　the　way　of　anticipation。

However；　we　must　suffer；　I　suppose；　from　our　ignorance　in　funding；　as

we　did　from　that　of　fighting；　until　necessity　teaches　us　both；　and；

fortunately；　our　stamina　are　so　vigorous　as　to　rise　superior　to　great

mismanagement。　　This　year　I　think　we　shall　have　learnt　how　to　call

forth　our　force；　and　by　the　next　I　hope　our　funds；　and　even　if　the

state　of　Europe　should　not　by　that　time　give　the　enemy　employment

enough　nearer　home；　we　shall　leave　him　nothing　to　fight　for　here。

These　are　my　views　of　the　war。　　They　embrace　a　great　deal　of

sufferance；　trying　privations；　and　no　benefit　but　that　of　teaching

our　enemy　that　he　is　never　to　gain　by　wanton　injuries　on　us。　　To　me

this　state　of　things　brings　a　sacrifice　of　all　tranquillity　and

comfort　through　the　residue　of　life。　　For　although　the　debility　of

age　disables　me　from　the　services　and　sufferings　of　the　field；　yet；

by　the　total　annihilation　in　value　of　the　produce　which　was　to　give

me　subsistence　and　independence；　I　shall　be　like　Tantalus；　up　to　the

shoulders　in　water；　yet　dying　with　thirst。　　We　can　make　indeed　enough

to　eat；　drink　and　clothe　ourselves；　but　nothing　for　our　salt；　iron；

groceries　and　taxes；　which　must　be　paid　in　money。　　For　what　can　we

raise　for　the　market？　　Wheat？　we　can　only　give　it　to　our　horses；　as

we　have　been　doing　ever　since　harvest。　　Tobacco？　it　is　not　worth　the

pipe　it　is　smoked　in。　　Some　say　Whiskey；　but　all　mankind　must　become

drunkards　to　consume　it。　　But　although　we　feel；　we　shall　not　flinch。

We　must　consider　now；　as　in　the　revolutionary　war；　that　although　the

evils　of　resistance　are　great；　those　of　submission　would　be　greater。

We　must　meet；　therefore；　the　former　as　the　casualties　of　tempests　and

earthquakes；　and　like　them　necessarily　resulting　from　the

constitution　of　the　world。　　Your　situation；　my　dear　friend；　is　much

better。　　For；　although　I　do　not　know　with　certainty　the　nature　of

your　investments；　yet　I　presume　they　are　not　in　banks；　insurance

companies；　or　any　other　of　those　gossamer　castles。　　If　in

ground…rents；　they　are　solid；　if　in　stock　of　the　United　States；　they

are　equally　so。　　I　once　thought　that　in　the　event　of　a　war　we　should

be　obliged　to　suspend　paying　the　interest　of　the　public　debt。　　But　a

dozen　years　more　of　experience　and　observation　on　our　people　and

government；　have　satisfied　me　it　will　never　be　done。　　The　sense　of

the　necessity　of　public　credit　is　so　universal　and　so　deeply　rooted；

that　no　other　necessity　will　prevail　against　it；　and　I　am　glad　to　see

that　while　the　former　eight　millions　are　steadfastly　applied　to　the

sinking　of　the　old　debt；　the　Senate　have　lately　insisted　on　a　sinking

fund　for　the　new。　　This　is　the　dawn　of　that　improvement　in　the

management　of　our　finances　which　I　look　to　for　salvation；　and　I　trust

that　the　light　will　continue　to　advance；　and　point　out　their　way　to

our　legislators。　　They　will　soon　see　that　instead　of　taxes　for　the

whole　year's　expenses；　which　the　people　cannot　pay；　a　tax　to　the

amount　of　the　interest　and　a　reasonable　portion　of　the　principal　will

command　the　whole　sum；　and　throw　a　part　of　the　burthens　of　war　on

times　of　peace　and　prosperity。　　A　sacred　payment　of　interest　is　the

only　way　to　make　the　most　of　their　resources；　and　a　sense　of　that

renders　your　income　from　our　funds　more　certain　than　mine　from　lands。

Some　apprehend　danger　from　the　defection　of　Massachusetts。　　It　is　a

disagreeable　circumstance；　but　not　a　dangerous　one。　　If　they　become

neutral；　we　are　sufficient　for　one　enemy　without　them；　and　in　fact　we

get　no　aid　from　them　now。　　If　their　administration　determines　to　join

the　enemy；　their　force　will　be　annihilated　by　equality　of　division

among　themselves。　　Their　federalists　will　then　call　in　the　English

army；　the　r