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off　at　the　end　of　twenty　years？　　Why　did　they　make　provision　that　in

all　the　new　territory　we　owned　at　that　time　slavery　should　be　forever

inhibited？　　Why　stop　its　spread　in　one　direction；　and　cut　off　its

source　in　another；　if　they　did　not　look　to　its　being　placed　in　the

course　of　its　ultimate　extinction？



Again：　the　institution　of　slavery　is　only　mentioned　in　the

Constitution　of　the　United　States　two　or　three　times；　and　in　neither

of　these　cases　does　the　word　〃slavery〃　or　〃negro　race〃　occur；　but

covert　language　is　used　each　time；　and　for　a　purpose　full　of

significance。　　What　is　the　language　in　regard　to　the　prohibition　of

the　African　slave…trade？　　It　runs　in　about　this　way：



〃The　migration　or　importation　of　such　persons　as　any　of　the　States

now　existing　shall　think　proper　to　admit；　shall　not　be　prohibited　by

the　Congress　prior　to　the　year　one　thousand　eight　hundred　and　eight。〃



The　next　allusion　in　the　Constitution　to　the　question　of　slavery　and

the　black　race　is　on　the　subject　of　the　basis　of　representation；　and

there　the　language　used　is：



〃Representatives　and　direct　taxes　shall　be　apportioned　among　the

several　States　which　may　be　included　within　this　Union；　according　to

their　respective　numbers；　which　shall　be　determined　by　adding　to　the

whole　number　of　free　persons；　including　those　bound　to　service　for　a

term　of　years；　and　excluding　Indians　not　taxed；　　three…fifths　of　all

other　persons。〃



It　says　〃persons；〃　not　slaves；　not　negroes；　but　this　〃three…fifths〃

can　be　applied　to　no　other　class　among　us　than　the　negroes。



Lastly；　in　the　provision　for　the　reclamation　of　fugitive　slaves；　it

is　said：



〃No　person　held　to　service　or　labor　in　one　State；　under　the　laws

thereof；　escaping　into　another；　shall　in　consequence　of　any　law　or

regulation　therein　be　discharged　from　such　service　or　labor；　but

shall　be　delivered　up；　on　claim　of　the　party　to　whom　such　service　or

labor　may　be　due。〃



There　again　there　is　no　mention　of　the　word　〃negro〃　or　of　slavery。

In　all　three　of　these　places；　being　the　only　allusions　to　slavery　in

the　instrument；　covert　language　is　used。　　Language　is　used　not

suggesting　that　slavery　existed　or　that　the　black　race　were　among　us。

And　I　understand　the　contemporaneous　history　of　those　times　to　be

that　covert　language　was　used　with　a　purpose；　and　that　purpose　was

that　in　our　Constitution；　which　it　was　hoped　and　is　still　hoped　will

endure　forever；when　it　should　be　read　by　intelligent　and　patriotic

men；　after　the　institution　of　slavery　had　passed　from　among　us；

there　should　be　nothing　on　the　face　of　the　great　charter　of　liberty

suggesting　that　such　a　thing　as　negro　slavery　had　ever　existed　among

us。　　This　is　part　of　the　evidence　that　the　fathers　of　the　government

expected　and　intended　the　institution　of　slavery　to　come　to　an　end。

They　expected　and　intended　that　it　should　be　in　the　course　of

ultimate　extinction。　　And　when　I　say　that　I　desire　to　see　the　further

spread　of　it　arrested；　I　only　say　I　desire　to　see　that　done　which　the

fathers　have　first　done。　　When　I　say　I　desire　to　see　it　placed　where

the　public　mind　will　rest　in　the　belief　that　it　is　in　the　course　of

ultimate　extinction；　I　only　say　I　desire　to　see　it　placed　where　they

placed　it。　　It　is　not　true　that　our　fathers；　as　Judge　Douglas

assumes；　made　this　government　part　slave　and　part　free。　　Understand

the　sense　in　which　he　puts　it。　　He　assumes　that　slavery　is　a　rightful

thing　within　itself；was　introduced　by　the　framers　of　the

Constitution。　　The　exact　truth　is；　that　they　found　the　institution

existing　among　us；　and　they　left　it　as　they　found　it。　　But　in　making

the　government　they　left　this　institution　with　many　clear　marks　of

disapprobation　upon　it。　　They　found　slavery　among　them；　and　they　left

it　among　them　because　of　the　difficultythe　absolute　impossibility

of　its　immediate　removal。　　And　when　Judge　Douglas　asks　me　why　we

cannot　let　it　remain　part　slave　and　part　free；　as　the　fathers　of　the

government　made　it；　he　asks　a　question　based　upon　an　assumption　which

is　itself　a　falsehood；　and　I　turn　upon　him　and　ask　him　the　question；

when　the　policy　that　the　fathers　of　the　government　had　adopted　in

relation　to　this　element　among　us　was　the　best　policy　in　the　world；

the　only　wise　policy；　the　only　policy　that　we　can　ever　safely

continue　upon　that　will　ever　give　us　peace；　unless　this　dangerous

element　masters　us　all　and　becomes　a　national　institution；I　turn

upon　him　and　ask　him　why　he　could　not　leave　it　alone。　　I　turn　and　ask

him　why　he　was　driven　to　the　necessity　of　introducing　a　new　policy　in

regard　to　it。　　He　has　himself　said　he　introduced　a　new　policy。　　He

said　so　in　his　speech　on　the　22d　of　March　of　the　present　year；　1858。

I　ask　him　why　he　could　not　let　it　remain　where　our　fathers　placed　it。

I　ask；　too；　of　Judge　Douglas　and　his　friends　why　we　shall　not　again

place　this　institution　upon　the　basis　on　which　the　fathers　left　it。

I　ask　you；　when　he　infers　that　I　am　in　favor　of　setting　the　free　and

slave　States　at　war；　when　the　institution　was　placed　in　that　attitude

by　those　who　made　the　Constitution；　did　they　make　any　war？　　If　we　had

no　war　out　of　it　when　thus　placed；　wherein　is　the　ground　of　belief

that　we　shall　have　war　out　of　it　if　we　return　to　that　policy？　　Have

we　had　any　peace　upon　this　matter　springing　from　any　other　basis？　　I

maintain　that　we　have　not。　　I　have　proposed　nothing　more　than　a

return　to　the　policy　of　the　fathers。



I　confess；　when　I　propose　a　certain　measure　of　policy；　it　is　not

enough　for　me　that　I　do　not　intend　anything　evil　in　the　result；　but

it　is　incumbent　on　me　to　show　that　it　has　not　a　tendency　to　that

result。　　I　have　met　Judge　Douglas　in　that　point　of　view。　　I　have　not

only　made　the　declaration　that　I　do　not　mean　to　produce　a　conflict

between　the　States；　but　I　have　tried　to　show　by　fair　reasoning；　and　I

think　I　have　shown　to　the　minds　of　fair　men；　that　I　propose　nothing

but　what　has　a　most　peaceful　tendency。　　The　quotation　that　I　happened

to　make　in　that　Springfield　Speech；　that　〃a　house　divided　against

itself　cannot　stand；〃　and　which　has　proved　so　offensive　to　the　judge；

was　part　and　parcel　of　the　same　thing。　　He　tries　to　show　that　variety

in　the　democratic　institutions　of　the　different　States　is　necessary

and　indispensable。　　I　do　not　dispute　it。　　I　have　no　controversy　with

Judge　Douglas　about　that。　　I　shall　very　readily　agree　with　him　that

it　would　be　foolish　for　us　to　insist　upon　having　a　cranberry　law　here

in　Illinois；　where　we　have　no　cranberries；　because　they　have　a

cranberry　law　in　Indiana；　where　they　have　cranberries。　　I　should

insist　that　it　would　be　exceedingly　wrong　in　us　to　deny　to　Virginia

the　right　to　enact　oyster　laws；　where　they　have　oysters；　because　we

want　no　such　laws　here。　　I　understand；　I　hope；　quite　as　well　as　Judge

Douglas　or　anybody　else；　that　the　variety　in　the　soil　and　climate　and

face　of　the　country；　and　consequent　variety　in　the　industrial

pursuits　and　productions　of　a　country；　require　systems　of　law

conforming　to　this　variety　in　the　natural　features　of　the　country。　　I

understand　quite　as　well　as　Judge　Douglas　that　if　we　here　raise　a

barrel　of　flour　more　than　we　want；　and　the　Louisianians　raise　a

barrel　of　sugar　more　than　they　want；　it　is　of　mutual　advantage　to

exchange。　　That　produces　commerce；　brings　us　together；　and　makes　us

better　friends。　　We　like　one　another　the　more　for　it。　　And　I

understand　as　well　as　Judge　Douglas；　or　anybody　else；　that　these

mutual　accommodations　are　the　cements　which　bind　together　the

different　parts　of　this　Union；　that　instead　of　being　a　thing　to

〃divide　the　house；〃figuratively　expressing　the　Union；they　tend　to

sustain　it；　they　are　the　props　of　the　house；　tending　always　to　hold

it　up。



But　when　I　have　admitted　all　this；　I　ask　if　there　is　any　parallel

between　these　things　and　this　institution　of　slavery？　　I　do　not　see

that　there　is　any　parallel　at　all　between　them。　　Consider　it。　　When

have　we　had　any　difficulty　or　quarrel　amongst　ourselves　about　the

cranberry　laws　of　Indiana；　or　the　oyster　laws　of　Virginia；　or　the

pine…lumber　laws　of　Maine；　or　the　fact　that　Louisiana　produces　sugar；

and　Illinois　flour？　　When　have　we　had　any　quarrels　over　these　things？

When　have　we　had　perfect　peace　in　regard　to　this　thing　which　I　say　is

an　element　of　discord　in　this　Union？　　We　have　sometimes　had　peace；

but　when　was　it？　　It　was　when　the　institution　of　slavery　remained

quiet　where　it　was。　　We　have　had　difficulty　and　turmoil　whenever　it

has　made　a　struggle　to　spread　itself　where　it　was　not。　　I　ask；　then；

if　experience　does　not　speak　in　thunder…tones　telling　us　that　the

policy　which　has　given　peace　to　the　country　heretofore；　being

returned　to；　gives　the　greatest　promise　of　peace　again。　　You　may　say；

and　Judge　Douglas　has　intimated　the　same　thing；　that　all　this

difficulty　in　regard　to　the　institution　of　slavery　is　the　mere

agitation　of　office…seekers　and　ambitious　Northern　politicians。　　He

thinks　we　want　to　get　〃his　place；〃　I　suppose。　　I　agree　that　there　are

office…seekers　amongst　us。　　The　Bible　says　somewhere　that　we　are

desperately　selfish。　　I　think　we　would　have　discovered　that　fact

without　the　Bible。　　I　do　not　claim　that　I　am　any　less　so　than　the

average　of　men；　but　I　do　claim　that　I　am　not　more　selfish　than　Judge

Douglas。



But　is　it　true　that　all　the　difficulty　and　agitation　we　have　in

regard　to　this　institution　of　slavery　spring　from　office…seeking；

from　the　mere　ambition　of　politicians？　　Is　that　the　truth？　　How　many

times　have　we　had　danger　from　this　question？　　Go　back　to　the　day　of

the　Missouri　Compromise。　　Go　back　to　the　nullification　question；　at

the　bottom　of　which　lay　this　same　slavery　question。　　Go　back　to　the

time　of　the　annexation　of　Texas。　　Go　back　to　the　troubles　that　led　to

the　Compromise　of　1850。　　You　will　find　that　every　time；　with　the

single　exception　of　the　Nullification　question；　they　sprung　from　an

endeavor　to　spread　this　ins