the boss and the machine-第15部分

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political　debts　and　bestow　upon　its　supporters　valuable　favors。
Further；　as　the　legislature　apportioned　the　various　electoral
districts；　the　dominant　party　could；　by　means　of　the　gerrymander；
entrench　itself　even　in　unfriendly　localities。　And；　to　crown　its
political　power；　it　elected　United　States　Senators。　But；　as　the
power　of　the　party　increased；　unfortunately　the　personnel　of　the
legislature　deteriorated。　Able　men；　as　a　rule；　shunned　a　service
that　not　only　took　them　from　their　private　affairs　for　a　number
of　months；　but　also　involved　them　in　partizan　rivalries　and
trickeries。　Gradually　the　people　came　to　lose　confidence　in　the
legislative　body　and　to　put　their　trust　more　in　the　Executive　or
else　reserved　governmental　powers　to　themselves。　It　was　about
1835　that　the　decline　of　the　legislature's　powers　set　in；　when
new　state　constitutions　began　to　clip　its　prerogatives；　one　after
another。

The　bulky　constitutions　now　adopted　by　most　of　the　States　are
eloquent　testimony　to　the　complete　collapse　of　the　legislature　as
an　administrative　body　and　to　the　people's　general　distrust　of
their　chosen　representatives。　The　initiative；　referendum；　recall；
and　the　withholding　of　important　subjects　from　the　legislature's
power；　are　among　the　devices　intended　to　free　the　people　from　the
machinations　of　their　wilful　representatives。

Now；　most　of　the　evils　which　these　heroic　measures　have　sought　to
remedy　can　be　traced　directly　to　the　partizan　ownership　of　the
state　legislature。　The　boss　controlling　the　members　of　the
legislature　could　not　only　dole　out　his　favors　to　the　privilege
seekers；　he　could　assuage　the　greed　of　the　municipal　ring；　and
could；　to　a　lesser　degree；　command　federal　patronage　by　an
entente　cordiale　with　congressmen　and　senators；　and　through　his
power　in　presidential　conventions　and　elections　he　had　a　direct
connection　with　the　presidential　office　itself。

It　was　in　the　days　before　the　legislature　was　prohibited　from
granting；　by　special　act；　franchises　and　charters；　when　banks；
turnpike　companies；　railroads；　and　all　sorts　of　corporations　came
asking　for　charters；　that　the　figure　of　the　lobbyist　first
appeared。　He　acted　as　a　middleman　between　the　seeker　and　the
giver。　The　preeminent　figure　of　this　type　in　state　and
legislative　politics　for　several　decades　preceding　the　Civil　War
was　Thurlow　Weed　of　New　York。　As　an　influencer　of　legislatures；
he　stands　easily　first　in　ability　and　achievement。　His　great
personal　attractions　won　him　willing　followers　whom　he　knew　how
to　use。　He　was　party　manager；　as　well　as　lobbyist　and　boss　in　a
real　sense　long　before　that　term　was　coined。　His　capacity　for
politics　amounted　to　genius。　He　never　sought　office；　and　his
memory　has　been　left　singularly　free　from　taint。　He　became　the
editor　of　the　Albany　Journal　and　made　it　the　leading　Whig
〃up…state〃　paper。　His　friend　Seward；　whom　he　had　lifted　into　the
Governor's　chair；　passed　on　to　the　United　States　Senate；　and　when
Horace　Greeley　with　the　New　York　Tribune　joined　their　forces；
this　potent　triumvirate　ruled　the　Empire　State。　Greeley　was　its
spokesman；　Seward　its　leader；　but　Weed　was　its　designer。　From　his
room　No。　11　in　the　old　Astor　House；　he　beckoned　to　forces　that
made　or　unmade　presidents；　governors；　ambassadors；　congressmen；
judges；　and　legislators。

With　the　tremendous　increase　of　business　after　the　Civil　War；　New
York　City　became　the　central　office　of　the　nation's　business；　and
many　of　the　interests　centered　there　found　it　wise　to　have
permanent　representatives　at　Albany　to　scrutinize　every　bill　that
even　remotely　touched　their　welfare；　to　promote　legislation　that
was　frankly　in　their　favor；　and　to　prevent　〃strikes〃the　bills
designed　for　blackmail。　After　a　time；　however；　the　number　of
〃strikes〃　decreased；　as　well　as　the　number　of　lobbyists　attending
the　session。　The　corporate　interests　had　learned　efficiency。
Instead　of　dealing　with　legislators　individually；　they　arranged
with　the　boss　the　price　of　peace　or　of　desirable　legislation。　The
boss　transmitted　his　wishes　to　his　puppets。　This　form　of
government　depends　upon　a　machine　that　controls　the　legislature。
In　New　York　both　parties　were　moved　by　machines。　〃Tom〃　Platt　was
the　〃easy　boss〃　of　the　Republicans；　and　Tammany　and　its。
〃up…state〃　affiliations　controlled　the　Democrats。　〃Right　here；〃
says　Platt　in　his　Autobiography　（1910）；　〃it　may　be　appropriate　to
say　that　I　have　had　more　or　less　to　do　with　the　organization　of
the　New　York　legislature　since　1873。〃　He　had。　For　forty　years　he
practically　named　the　Speaker　and　committees　when　his　party　won；
and　he　named　the　price　when　his　party　lost。　All　that　an
〃interest〃　had　to　do；　under　the　new　plan；　was　to　〃see　the　boss；〃
and　the　powers　of　government　were　delivered　into　its　lap。

Some　of　this　legislative　bargaining　was　revealed　in　the　insurance
investigation　of　1905；　conducted　by　the　Armstrong　Committee　with
Charles　E。　Hughes　as　counsel。　Officers　of　the　New　York　Life
Insurance　Company　testified　that　their　company　had　given　50；000
to　the　Republican　campaign　of　1904。　An　item　of　235；000；
innocently　charged　to　〃Home　office　annex　account；〃　was　traced　to
the　hands　of　a　notorious　lobbyist　at　Albany。　Three　insurance
companies　had　paid　regularly　50；000　each　to　the　Republican
campaign　fund。　Boss　Platt　himself　was　compelled　reluctantly　to
relate　how　he　had　for　fifteen　years　received　ten　one　thousand
dollar　bundles　of　greenbacks　from　the　Equitable　Life　as
〃consideration〃　for　party　goods　delivered。　John　A。　McCall；
President　of　the　New　York　Life；　said：　〃I　don't　care　about　the
Republican　side　of　it　or　the　Democratic　side　of　it。　It　doesn't
count　at　all　with　me。　What　is　best　for　the　New　York　Life　moves
and　actuates　me。〃

In　another　investigation　Mr。　H。　O。　Havemeyer　of　the　Sugar　Trust
said：　〃We　have　large　interests　in　this　State；　we　need　police
protection　and　fire　protection；　we　need　everything　that　the　city
furnishes　and　gives；　and　we　have　to　support　these　things。　Every
individual　and　corporation　and　firmtrust　or　whatever　you　call
itdoes　these　things　and　we　do　them。〃　No　distinction　is　made；
then；　between　the　government　that　ought　to　furnish　this
〃protection〃　and　the　machine　that　sells　it！

No　episode　in　recent　political　history　shows　better　the　relations
of　the　legislature　to　the　political　machine　and　the　great　power
of　invisible　government　than　the　impeachment　and　removal　of
Governor　William　Sulzer　in　1913。　Sulzer　had　been　four　times
elected　to　the　legislature。　He　served　as　Speaker　in　1893。　He　was
sent　to　Congress　by　an　East　Side　district　in　New　York　City　in
1895　and　served　continuously　until　his　nomination　for　Governor　of
New　York　in　1912。　All　these　years　he　was　known　as　a　Tammany　man。
During　his　campaign　for　Governor　he　made　many　promises　for
reform；　and　after　his　election　he　issued　a　bombastic　declaration
of　independence。　His　words　were　discounted　in　the　light　of　his
previous　record。　Immediately　after　his　inauguration；　however；　he
began　a　house…cleaning。　He　set　to　work　an　economy　and　efficiency
commission；　he　removed　a　Tammany　superintendent　of　prisons；　made
unusually　good　appointments　without　paying　any　attention　to　the
machine；　and　urged　upon　the　legislature　vigorous　and　vital　laws。

But　the　Tammany　party　had　a　large　working　majority　in　both
houses；　and　the　changed　Sulzer　was　given　no　support。　The　crucial
moment　came　when　an　emasculated　primary　law　was　handed　to　him　for
his　signature。　An　effective　primary　law　had　been　a　leading
campaign　issue；　all　the　parties　being　pledged　to　such　an
enactment。　The　one　which　the　Governor　was　now　requested　to　sign
had　been　framed　by　the　machine　to　suit　its　pleasure。　The　Governor
vetoed　it。　The　legislature　adjourned　on　the　3rd　of　May。　The
Governor　promptly　reconvened　it　in　extra　session　（June　7th）　for
the　purpose　of　passing　an　adequate　primary　law。　Threats　that　had
been　made　against　him　by　the　machine　now　took　form。　An
investigating　committee；　appointed　by　the　Senate　to　examine　the
Governor's　record；　largely　by　chance　happened　upon　〃pay　dirt；〃
and　early　on　the　morning　of　the　13th　of　August；　after　an
all…night　session；　the　Assembly　passed　a　motion　made　by　its
Tammany　floor　leader　to　impeach　the　Governor。

The　articles　of　impeachment　charged：　first；　that　the　Governor　had
filed　a　false　report　of　his　campaign　expenses；　second；　that　since
he　had　made　such　statement　under　oath　he　was　guilty　of　perjury；
third；　that　he　had　bribed　witnesses　to　withhold　testimony　from
the　investigating　committee；　fourth；　that　he　had　used　threats　in
suppression　of　evidence　before　the　same　tribunal；　fifth；　that　he
had　persuaded　a　witness　from　responding　to　the　committee's
subpoena；　sixth；　that　he　had　used　campaign　contributions　for
private　speculation　in　the　stock　market；　seventh；　that　he　had
used　his　power　as　Governor　to　influence　the　political　action　of
certain　officials；　lastly；　that　he　had　used　this　power　for
affecting　the　stock　market　to　his　gain。

Unfortunately　for　the　Governor；　the　first；　second；　and　sixth
charges　had　a　background　of　facts；　although　the　rest　were
ridiculous　and　trivial。　By　a　vote　of　43　to　12　he　was　removed　from
the　governorship。　The　proceeding　was　not　merely　an　impeachment　of
New　York's　Governor。　It　was　an　impeachment　of　its　government。
Every　citizen　knew　that　if　Sulzer　had　obeyed　Murphy；　his
shortcomings　would　never　have　been　his　undoing。

The　great　commonwealth　of　Pennsylvania　was　for　sixty　years　under
the　domination　of　the　House　of　Cameron　and　the　House　of　Quay。
Simon　Cameron's　entry　into　public　notoriety　was　symbolic　of　his
whole　career。　In　1838；　he　was　one　of　a　commission　of　two　to
disburse　to　the　Winnebago　Indians　at　Prairie　du　Chien　100；000　in
gold。　But；　instead　of　receiving　gold；　the　poor　Indians　received
only　a　few　thousand　dollars　in　the　notes　of　a　bank　of　which
Cameron　was　the　cashier。　Cameron　was　for　this　reason　called　〃the
Great　Winnebago。〃　He　built　a　large　fortune　by　canal　and　railway
contracts；　and　later　by　rolling…mills　and　furnaces。　He　was　one
of　the　first　men　in　American　politics　to　purchase　political　power
by　the　lavish　use　of　cash；　and　to　use　political　power　for　the
gratification　of　financial　greed。　In　1857　he　was　elected　to　the
United　States　Senate　as　a