the boss and the machine-第19部分

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an　island　of　immunity　in　the　sea　of　political　excitement。

While　the　people　were　thus　assuming　control　of　the　ballot；　they
were　proceeding　to　gain　control　of　their　legislatures。　In　1890
Massachusetts　enacted　one　of　the　first　anti…lobby　laws。　It　has
served　as　a　model　for　many　other　States。　It　provided　that　the
sergeant…at…arms　should　keep　dockets　in　which　were　enrolled　the
names　of　all　persons　employed　as　counsel　or　agents　before
legislative　committees。　Each　counsel　or　agent　was　further
compelled　to　state　the　length　of　his　engagement；　the　subjects　or
bills　for　which　he　was　employed；　and　the　name　and　address　of　his
employer。

The　first　session　after　the　passage　of　this　law；　many　of　the
professional　lobbyists　refused　to　enroll；　and　the　most　notorious
ones　were　seen　no　more　in　the　State　House。　The　regular　counsel　of
railroads；　insurance　companies；　and　other　interests　signed　the
proper　docket　and　appeared　for　their　clients　in　open　committee
meetings。

The　law　made　it　the　duty　of　the　Secretary　of　the　Commonwealth　to
report　to　the　law　officers　of　the　State；　for　prosecution；　all
those　who　failed　to　comply　with　the　act。　Sixty…seven　such
delinquents　were　reported　the　first　year。　The　Grand　Jury　refused
to　indict　them；　but　the　number　of　recalcitrants　has　gradually
diminished。

The　experience　of　Massachusetts　is　not　unique。　Other　States
passed　more　or　less　rigorous　anti…lobby　laws；　and　today；　in　no
state　Capitol；　will　the　visitor　see　the　disgusting　sights　that
were　usual　thirty　years　agoarrogant　and　coarse　professional
〃agents〃　mingling　on　the　floor　of　the　legislature　with　members；
even　suggesting　procedure　to　presiding　officers；　and　not
infrequently　commandeering　a　majority。　Such　influences；　where
they　persist；　have　been　driven　under　cover。

With　the　decline　of　the　professional　lobbyist　came　the　rise　of
the　volunteer　lobbyist。　Important　bills　are　now　considered　in
formal　committee　hearings　which　are　well　advertised　so　that
interested　parties　may　be　present。　Publicity　and　information　have
taken　the　place　of　secrecy　in　legislative　procedure。　The
gathering　of　expert　testimony　by　special　legislative　commissions
of　inquiry　is　now　a　frequent　practice　in　respect　to　subjects　of
wide　social　import；　such　as　workmen's　compensation；　widows'
pensions；　and　factory　conditions。

A　number　of　States　have　resorted　to　the　initiative　and　referendum
as　applied　to　ordinary　legislation。　By　means　of　this　method　a
small　percentage　of　the　voters；　from　eight　to　ten　per　cent；　may
initiate　proposals　and　impose　upon　the　voters　the　function　of
legislation。　South　Dakota；　in　1898；　made　constitutional　provision
for　direct　legislation。　Utah　followed　in　1900；　Oregon　in　1902；
Nevada　in　1904；　Montana　in　1906；　and　Oklahoma　in　1907。　East　of
the　Mississippi；　several　States　have　adopted　a　modified　form　of
the　initiative　and　referendum。　In　Oregon；　where　this　device　of
direct　government　has　been　most　assiduously　applied；　the　voters
in　1908　voted　upon　nineteen　different　bills　and　constitutional
amendments；　in　1910　the　number　increased　to　thirty…two；　in　1912；
to　thirty…seven；　in　1914　it　fell　to　twenty…nine。　The　vote　cast
for　these　measures　rarely　exceeded　eighty　per　cent　of　those
voting　at　the　election　and　frequently　fell　below　sixty。

The　electorate　that　attempts　to　rid　itself　of　the　evils　of　the
state　legislature　by　these　heroic　methods　assumes　a　heavy
responsibility。　When　the　burden　of　direct　legislation　is　added　to
the　task　of　choosing　from　the　long　list　of　elective　officers
which　is　placed　before　the　voter　at　every　local　and　state
election；　it　is　not　surprising　that　there　should　set　in　a
reaction　in　favor　of　simplified　government。　The　mere　separation
of　state　and　local　elections　does　not　solve　the　problem。　It
somewhat　minimizes　the　chances　of　partizan　influence　over　the
voter　in　local　elections；　but　the　voter　is　still　confronted　with
the　long　lists　of　candidates　for　elective　offices。　Ballots　not
infrequently　contain　two　hundred　names；　sometimes　even　three
hundred　or　more；　covering　candidates　of　four　or　five　parties　for
scores　of　offices。　These　blanket　ballots　are　sometimes　three　feet
long。　After　an　election　in　Chicago　in　1916；　one　of　the　leading
dailies　expressed　sympathy　〃for　the　voter　emerging　from　the
polling…booth；　clutching　a　handful　of　papers；　one　of　them　about
half　as　large　as　a　bed　sheet。〃　Probably　most　voters　were　able　to
express　a　real　preference　among　the　national　candidates。　It　is
almost　equally　certain　that　most　voters　were　not　able　to　express
a　real　preference　among　important　local　administrative　officials。
A　huge　ballot；　all　printed　over　with　names；　supplemented　by　a
series　of　smaller　ballots；　can　never　be　a　manageable　instrument
even　for　an　electorate　as　intelligent　as　ours。

Simplification　is　the　prophetic　watchword　in　state　government
today。　For　cities；　the　City　Manager　and　the　Commission　have
offered　salvation。　A　few　officers　only　are　elected　and　these　are
held　strictly　responsible；　sometimes　under　the　constant　threat　of
the　recall；　for　the　entire　administration。　Over　four　hundred
cities　have　adopted　the　form　of　government　by　Commission。　But
nothing　has　been　done　to　simplify　our　state　governments；　which
are　surrounded　by　a　maze　of　heterogeneous　and　undirected　boards
and　authorities。　Every　time　the　legislature　found　itself
confronted　by　a　new　function　to　be　cared　for；　it　simply　created　a
new　board。　New　York　has　a　hodgepodge　of　over　116　such
authorities；　Minnesota；　75；　Illinois；　100。　Iowa　in　1913　and
Illinois　and　Minnesota　in　1914；　indeed；　perfected　elaborate
proposals　for　simplifying　their　state　governments。　But　these
suggestions　remain　dormant。　And　the　New　York　State　Constitutional
Convention　in　1915　prepared　a　new　Constitution　for　the　State；
with　the　same　end　in　view；　but　their　work　was　not　accepted　by　the
people。　It　may　be　said；　however；　that　in　our　attempt　to　rid
ourselves　of　boss　rule　we　have　swung　through　the　arc　of　direct
government　and　are　now　on　the　returning　curve　toward
representative　government；　a　more　intensified　representative
government　that　makes　evasion　of　responsibility　and　duty
impossible　by　fixing　it　upon　one　or　two　men。



CHAPTER　X。　PARTY　REFORM

The　State；　at　first；　had　paid　little　attention　to　the　party；
which　was　regarded　as　a　purely　voluntary　aggregation　of
like…minded　citizens。　Evidently　the　State　could　not　dictate　that
you　should　be　a　Democrat　or　a　Republican　or　force　you　to　be　an
Independent。　With　the　adoption　of　the　Australian　ballot；　however；
came　the　legal　recognition　of　the　party；　for　as　soon　as　the　State
recognized　the　party's　designated　nominees　in　the　preparation　of
the　official　ballot；　it　recognized　the　party。　It　was　then
discovered　that；　unless　some　restrictions　were　imposed；　groups　of
interested　persons　in　the　old　parties　would　manage　the
nominations　of　both　to　their　mutual　satisfaction。　Thus　a　handful
of　Democrats　would　visit　Republican　caucuses　or　primaries　and　a
handful　of　Republicans　would　return　the　favor　to　the　Democrats。
In　other　words；　the　bosses　of　both　parties　would　cooperate　in
order　to　secure　nominations　satisfactory　to　themselves。
Massachusetts　began　the　reform　by　defining　a　party　as　a　group　of
persons　who　had　cast　a　certain　percentage　of　the　votes　at　the
preceding　election。　This　definition　has　been　widely　accepted；　and
the　number　of　votes　has　been　variously　fixed　at　from　two　to
twenty…five　per　cent。　Other　States　have　followed　the　New　York
plan　of　fixing　definitely　the　number　of　voters　necessary　to　form
a　party。　In　New　York　no　fewer　than　10；000　voters　can　secure
recognition　as　a　state　party；　exception　being　made　in　favor　of
municipal　or　purely　local　parties。　But　merely　fixing　the
numerical　minimum　of　the　party　was　not　enough。　The　State　took
another　step　forward　in　depriving　the　manipulator　of　his　liberty
when　it　undertook　to　determine　who　was　entitled　to　membership　in
the　party　and　privileged　to　take　part　in　its　nominations　and
other　party　procedure。　Otherwise　the　virile　minority　in　each
party　would　control　both　the　membership　and　the　nominations。

An　Oregon　statute　declares：　〃Every　political　party　and　every
volunteer　political　organization　has　the　same　right　to　be
protected　from　the　interference　of　persons　who　are　not　identified
with　it；　as　its　known　and　publicly　avowed　members；　that　the
government　of　the　State　has　to　protect　itself　from　the
interference　of　persons　who　are　not　known　and　registered　as　its
electors。　It　is　as　great　a　wrong　to　the　people；　as　well　as　to
members　of　a　political　party；　for　anyone　who　is　not　known　to　be
one　of　its　members　to　vote　or　take　any　part　at　any　election；　or
other　proceedings　of　such　political　party；　as　it　is　for　one　who
is　not　a　qualified　and　registered　elector　to　vote　at　any　state
election　or　to　take　part　in　the　business　of　the　State。〃　It　is　a
far　reach　from　the　democratic　laissez　faire　of　Jackson's　day　to
this　state　dogmatism　which　threatens　the　independent　or　detached
voter　with　ultimate　extinction。

A　variety　of　methods　have　been　adopted　for　initiating　the　citizen
into　party　membership。　In　the　Southern　States；　where　the　dual
party　system　does　not　exist；　the　legislature　has　left　the　matter
in　the　hands　of　the　duly　appointed　party　officials。　They　can；
with　canonical　rigor；　determine　the　party　standing　of　voters　at
the　primaries。　But　where　there　is　party　competition；　such　a
generous　endowment　of　power　would　be　dangerous。

Many　States　permit　the　voter　to　make　his　declaration　of　party
allegiance　when　he　goes　to　the　primary。　He　asks　for　the　ticket　of
the　party　whose　nominees　he　wishes　to　help　select。　He　is　then
handed　the　party's　ballot；　which　he　marks　and　places　in　the
ballot…box　of　that　party。　Now；　if　he　is　challenged；　he　must
declare　upon　oath　that　he　is　a　member　of　that　party；　that　he　has
generally　supported　its　tickets　and　its　principles；　and　that　at
the　coming　election　he　intends　to　support　at　least　a　majority　of
its　nominees。　In　this　method　little　freedom　is　left　to　the　voter
who　wishes　to　participate　as　an　independent　both　in　the　primaries
and　in　the　general　election。

The　New　York　plan　is　more　rigorous。　Here；　in　all　cities；　the
voter　enrolls　his　name　on　his　party's　lists　when　he　goes　to
register　for　the　c