the origins of contemporary france-3-第7部分

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1792。　（Note　the　phrase；　it　is　close　to　Marx　statement　in　1850　'that

the　class　struggle　necessarily　leads　to　the　dictatorship　of　the

proletariat。'　SR。）



＇15＇　Fox；　before　deciding　on　any　measure；　consulted　a　Mr。　H。…；　one

of　the　most　uninfluential；　and　even　narrow…minded　members　of　the　House

of　Commons。　Some　astonishment　being　expressed　at　this；　he　replied　that

he　regarded　Mr。　H。　as　a　perfect　type　of　the　faculties　and

prejudices　of　a　country　gentleman；　and　he　used　him　as　a　thermometer。

Napoleon　likewise　stated　that　before　framing　an　important　law；　he

imagined　to　himself　the　impression　it　would　make　on　the　mind　of　a

burly　peasant。



＇16＇　　Just　like　the　strong　influence　　which　the　current　fashionable

principles　and　buzz…words　introduced　by　the　media　have　over　today's

audiences。　（SR）。



＇17＇　　Alas！　This　phenomenon　should　be　repeated　with　the　interminable

speeches　held　by　Lenin；　Stalin；　Hitler；　Castro；　Mao　and　all　the　other

inheritors　of　the　Jacobin　creed。　（SR）。



＇18＇　　Tableaux　de　la　Révolution　Fran？aise；〃　by　Schmidt　（especially　the

reports　by　Dutard）；　3　vols。



＇19＇　　〃Correspondence　of　Gouverneur　Morris；〃　　〃Memoirs　of　Mallet　du

Pan；〃　John　Moore'



＇20＇　　See；　in　〃Progrès　de　l'esprit　humaine；〃　the　superiority　awarded

to　the　republican　constitution　of　1793。　（Book　IX。）　〃The　principles

from　which　the　constitution　and　laws　of　France　have　been　combined　are

purer；　more　exact；　and　deeper　than　those　which　governed　the　Americans：

they　have　more　completely　escaped　the　influence　of　every　sort　of

prejudice；　etc。〃



＇21＇　　Camille　Desmoulins；　the　enfant　terrible　　of　the　Revolution；

confesses　this；　as　well　as　other　truths。　After　citing　the　Revolutions

of　the　sixteenth　and　seventeenth　centuries；　〃which　derived　their

virtue　from　and　had　their　roots　in　conscience；　which　were　sustained　by

fanaticism　and　the　hopes　of　another　world；〃　he　thus　concludes：　〃Our

Revolution；　purely　political；　is　wholly　rooted　in　egotism；　in

everybody's　amour　propre；　　in　the　combinations　of　which　is　found　the

common　interest。〃　（〃Brissot　dévoilé；〃　by　Camille　Desmoulins；　January；

1792）　　Bouchez　et　Roux；　XIII；　207。）



＇22＇　Rousseau's　idea　of　the　omnipotence　of　the　State　is　also　that　of

Louis　XIV　and　Napoleon。。。　It　is　curious　to　see　the　development　of　the

same　idea　in　the　mind　of　a　contemporary　bourgeois；　like　Rétif　de　la

Bretonne；　half　literary　and　half　one　of　the　people　（〃Nuits　de　Paris；〃

XVe　nuit；　377；　on　the　September　Massacres）　〃No；　I　do　not　pity　those

fanatical　priests；　they　have　done　the　country　too　much　mischief。

Whatever　a　society；　or　a　majority　of　it；　desires；　that　is　right。　　He

who　opposes　this；　who　calls　down　war　and　vengeance　on　the　Nation；　is　a

monster。　Order　is　always　found　in　the　agreement　of　the　majority。　　The

minority　is　always　guilty；　I　repeat　it；　even　if　it　is　morally　right。

Nothing　but　common　sense　　is　needed　to　see　that　truth。〃　　　Ibid。　　（On

the　execution　of　Louis　XVI。）；　p。　447。　〃Had　the　nation　the　right　to

condemn　and　execute　him？　No　thinking　person　can　ask　such　a　question。

The　nation　is　everything　in　itself；　its　power　is　that　which　the　whole

human　kind　would　have　if　but　one　nation；　one　single　government

governed　the　globe。　Who　would　dare　then　dispute　the　power　of　humanity？

It　is　this　indisputable　power　that　a　nation　has；　to　hang　even　an

innocent　man；　felt　by　the　ancient　Greeks；　which　led　them　to　exile

Aristoteles　and　put　Phocion　to　death。　'Oh　truth；　unrecognized　by　our

contemporaries；　what　evil　has　arisen　through　forgetting　it！'〃



＇23＇　Moniteur；　XI。　46。　Speech　by　Isnard　in　the　Assembly；　Jan。　5；　1792。

〃The　people　are　now　conscious　of　their　dignity。　They　know；　according

to　the　constitution；　that　every　Frenchman's　motto　is：　'Live　free；　the

equal　of　all；　and　one　of　the　common　sovereignty。'〃　Guillon　de

Montléon；　I。　445。　Speech　by　Chalier；　in　the　Lyons　Central　Club；　March

21；　1793。　〃Know　that　you　are　kings；　and　more　than　kings。　Do　you　not

feel　sovereignty　circulating　in　your　veins？〃



＇24＇　Moniteur；　V。　136。　（Celebration　of　the　Federation；　July　14；　1790。）



＇25＇　Albert　Babeau；　〃Histoire　de　Troyes　pendant　la　Révolution；〃　I。　436

（April　10；　1790）。



＇26＇　Mortimer…Ternaux；　〃Histoire　de　la　Terreur；〃　I。　353。　（Pétion's　own

narrative　of　this　journey。）　This　pert　blockhead　cannot　even　spell：　he

writes　aselle　for　aisselle；　etc。　　He　is　convinced　that　Madame

Elizabeth；　the　king's　sister；　wants　to　seduce　him；　and　that　she　makes

advances　to　him：　〃If　we　had　been　alone；　I　believe　that　she　would　have

fallen　into　my　arms；　and　let　the　impulses　of　nature　have　their　way。〃

He　makes　a　display　of　virtue　however；　and　becomes　only　the　more

supercilious　as　he　talks　with　the　king；　the　young　dauphin；　and　the

ladies　he　is　fetching　back。



＇27＇　The　〃Mémoires　de　Madame　Roland〃　is　a　masterpiece　of　that　conceit

supposed　to　be　so　careflilly　concealed　as　not　to　be　visible　and　never

off　its　stilts。　〃I　am　beautiful；　I　am　affectionate；　I　am　sensitive；　I

inspire　love；　I　reciprocate；　I　remain　virtuous；　my　mind　is　superior；

and　my　courage　indomitable。　I　am　philosopher；　statesman；　and　writer；

worthy　of　the　highest　success；〃　is　constantly　in　her　mind；　and　always

perceptible　in　her　phraseology。　Real　modesty　never　shows　itself。　On

the　contrary；　many　indecorous　things　are　said　and　done　by　her　from

bravado；　and　to　set　herself　above　her　sex。　Cf。　the　〃Memoirs　of　Mirs。

Hutchinson；〃　which　present　a　great　contrast。　Madame　Roland　wrote：　〃I

see　no　part　in　society　which　suits　me　but　that　of　Providence。〃　The

same　presumption　shines　out　in　others；　with　less　refined　pretensions。

The　deputy　Rouyer　addresses　the　following　letter；　found　among　the

papers　of　the　iron　wardrobe；　to　the　king；　〃I　have　compared；　examined；

and　foreseen　everything。　All　I　ask　to　carry　out　my　noble　purposes；　is

that　direction　of　forces；　which　the　law　confers　on　you。　I　am　aware　of

and　brave　the　danger；　weakness　defers　to　this；　while　genius　overcomes

it　I　have　turned　my　attention　to　all　the　courts　of　Europe；　and　am　sure

that　I　can　force　peace　on　them。〃　　Robert；　an　obscure　pamphleteer；

asks　Dumouriez　to　make　him　ambassador　to　Constantinople；　while　Louvet；

the　author　of　〃Faublas；〃　declares　in　his　memoirs　that　liberty　perished

in　1792；　because　he　was　not　appointed　Minister　of　Justice。



＇28＇　Moniteur；　p。　189。　Speech　by　Collot　d'Herbois；　on　the　mitraillades

at　Lyons。　〃We　too；　possess　sensibility！　The　Jacobins　have　every

virtue；　they　are　compassionate；　humane；　and　generous。　These　virtues；

however；　are　reserved　for　patriots；　who　are　their　brethren；　but　never

for　aristocrats。〃　　Meillan；　〃Mémoires；〃　p。　4。　　〃Robespierre　was　one

day　eulogizing　a　man　named　Desfieux；　well　known　for　his　lack　of

integrity；　and　whom　he　finally　sacrificed。　'But；　I　said　to　him；　your

man　Desfieux　is　known　to　be　a　rascal。'　…　'No　matter；'　he　replied；　'he

is　a　good　patriot。'　…　'But　he　is　a　fraudulent　bankrupt。'…'He　is　a　good

patriot。'　　'But　he　is　a　thief。'　…'He　is　a　good　patriot。'　I　could　not

get　more　than　these　three　words　out　of　him。〃







CHAPTER　II。



I。



Formation　of　the　party。　　Its　recruits　　These　are　rare　in　the　upper

class　and　amongst　the　masses。　　They　are　numerous　in　the　low

bourgeois　class　and　in　the　upper　stratum　of　the　people。　　The

position　and　education　which　enroll　a　man　in　the　party。



PERSONALITIES　like　these　are　found　in　all　classes　of　society；　no

situation　or　position　in　life　protects　one　from　wild　Utopia　or　frantic

ambition。　We　find　among　the　Jacobins　a　Barras　and　a　Chateauneuf…

Randon；　two　nobles　of　the　oldest　families；　Condorcet；　a　marquis；

mathematician；　philosopher　and　member　of　two　renowned　academies；

Gobel；　bishop　of　Lydda　and　suffragan　to　the　bishop　of　Bale；　Hérault　de

Séchellles；　a　protégé　of　the　Queen's　and　attorney…general　to　the　Paris

parliament；　Lepelletier　de　St。　Fargeau；　chief…justice　and　one　of　the

richest　land…owners　in　France；　Charles　de　Hesse；　major…general；　born

in　the　royal　family；　and；　last　of　all；　a　prince　of　the　blood　and

fourth　personage　in　the　realm；　the　Duke　of　Orleans。　　But；　with　the

exception　of　these　rare　deserters；　neither　the　hereditary　aristocracy

nor　the　upper　magistracy；　nor　the　highest　of　the　middle　class；　none　of

the　land…owners　who　live　on　their　estates；　or　the　leaders　of

industrial　and　commercial　enterprises；　no　one　belonging　to　the

administration；　none　of　those；　in　general；　who　are　or　deserve　to　　be

considered　social　authorities；　furnish　the　party　with　recruits。　All

have　too　much　at　stake　in　　the　political　establishment；　shattered　as

it　is；　to　wish　its　entire　demolition。　Their　political　experience；

brief　as　it　is；　enables　them　to　see　at　once　that　a　habitable　house　is

not　built　by　merely　tracing　a　plan　of　it　on　paper　according　the

theorems　of　school　geometry。　　On　the　other　hand；　among　the　ordinary

rural　population　the　ideology　finds；　unless　it　can　be　changed　into　a

legend；　no　listeners。　　Share　croppers；　small　holders　and　farmers

looking　after　their　own　plots　of　ground；　peasants　and　craftsmen　who

work　too　hard　to　think　and　whose　minds　never　range　beyond　a　village

horizon；　busy　only　with　that　which　brings　in　their　daily　bread；　find

abstract　doctrines　unintelligible；　should　the　dogmas　of　the　new

catechism　arrest　their　attention　the　same　thing　happens　as　with　the

old　one；　they　do　not　understand　them；　that　mental　faculty　by　which　an

abstraction　is　reached　is　not　yet　formed　in　them。　On　being　taken　to　a

political　club　they　fall　asleep；　they　open　their　eyes　only　when　some

one　announces　that　tithes　and　feudal　privileges　are　to　be　restored；

they　can　be　depended　on　for　nothing　more　than　a　brawl　and　a　jacquerie；

later　on；　when　their　grain　comes　to　be　taxed　or　is　taken；　they　prove

as　unruly　under　the　republic　as　under　the　monarchy。



The　believers　in　this　theory　come　from　other　quarters；　from　the　two

extremes　of　the　lower　stratum　of　the　middle　class　and　the　upper

stratum　of　the　low　class。　Again；　in　these　two　contiguous　groups；　which

merge　into　each　other；